Elon Musk and the President: Lessons from a Media Mogul's Story
Musk isn't the initial media tycoon to develop an affection for a politician. Consider the repercussions of the relationship between Henry Luce and Dwight Eisenhower.
TroibNews 
Elon Musk's highly publicized and glitch-filled interview with Donald Trump this past Monday marks yet another chapter in the tech mogul's ongoing admiration for the former president. Musk, who has never shied away from controversy, has been openly supportive of Trump’s 2024 presidential campaign and played a crucial role in facilitating Trump's return to X, the platform previously known as Twitter.
In each election cycle, celebrities often attempt to sway public opinion in favor of their preferred candidates. While a recent study indicates that stars like Megan Thee Stallion and Kid Rock can boost voter enthusiasm, it is the exceptionally wealthy and influential CEOs — like Musk — who possess a disproportionate influence on political campaigns.
Musk, like all American citizens, has the right to engage in political activities, whether that involves funding super PACs, mobilizing voters behind the scenes, or providing a platform for them to speak. However, such involvement can have repercussions.
Historical examples serve as a cautionary tale: TIME's founder, Henry Luce, poured himself into promoting General Dwight Eisenhower's campaign. This open support, atypical for a media organization, yielded immediate benefits, including direct access to Eisenhower during his presidency. Yet, Luce's enthusiastic backing ultimately tarnished his magazine’s journalistic integrity.
Luce launched TIME in 1923 to fill a void in the national news landscape. As America's inaugural national newsmagazine, it quickly garnered a massive readership and had a keen interest in presidential affairs. TIME pioneered reporting on the president's daily schedule and even introduced a popular feature called "The President's Week."
Luce's desire for positive connections with the presidency stemmed from his tumultuous relationship with Franklin Delano Roosevelt, who he fiercely opposed. Luce supported losing candidates against Roosevelt and continued to nurse his resentment even after the president's death. His animosity persisted throughout the Truman administration as well.
In 1952, Luce recognized an opportunity to break the Democrats' grip on the White House, believing it was detrimental both to himself and the country. That year, he fully endorsed Eisenhower, leveraging his media empire to support the general's bid in multiple ways.
Before Eisenhower even officially declared his candidacy, Luce met with him in Paris and felt an immediate political affinity. Luce expressed admiration for Eisenhower's "sound of the man's voice" and the "twinkle" in his "brightest blue eyes."
During the 1952 election cycle, expectations of nonpartisanship in journalism existed, but Luce still directed his magazines, TIME and Life, to portray Eisenhower positively, including in a Life editorial entitled “The Case for Ike.”
Eisenhower later remarked that this editorial encouraged him to run. Once he did, TIME's coverage was so flattering that campaign manager Henry Cabot Lodge distributed copies of the magazine during his meetings.
In a rare move, Luce even provided Eisenhower's campaign with staff from his own team, including speechwriters and advisers. Hughes crafted the famously effective slogan, “If elected, I shall go to Korea,” which effectively conveyed Eisenhower’s focus on ending the Korean conflict — contributing to his victory over Democrat Adlai Stevenson, where he received 55 percent of the popular vote and swept the Electoral College.
Luce also played a key role in shaping Eisenhower's campaign vision, including a Life article by John Foster Dulles that outlined a Republican foreign policy, which subsequently influenced Eisenhower’s Republican platform and led to Dulles becoming his secretary of State.
Following Eisenhower's victory, Luce celebrated with friends, exclaiming: “Victory, it’s wonderful.” In the wake of this triumph, Luce's wife even took a position as ambassador to Italy, allowing him to see his foreign policy ideas come to fruition. Luce relished the fact that Eisenhower was a capable president, overseeing a period of prosperity, and promoted his successes to the readership of his magazines, which numbered 30 million.
Despite these benefits, Luce's strong alignment with Eisenhower came at a price. TIME faced internal dissent from staff who felt it had become "Eisenhower’s mouthpiece." Luce’s curt response to criticism — “I am your boss. I guess that means I can fire any of you” — did little to win over his team.
Moreover, TIME's reputation suffered during Eisenhower's presidency for being overly favorable. A joke circulated that “Time was even-handed during election years: Half the time it praised the Republicans, and half the time it damned the Democrats.” Intellectuals began to turn against TIME, and it was begrudgingly labeled a middle-brow publication. Luce stepped down in 1964 and passed away three years later at 68. TIME later shifted towards a more liberal stance under subsequent leadership, and while its decline was influenced more by the internet than Luce’s actions, the legacy of his political entanglements remains notable.
As for Musk, he has a tendency to embrace a contrarian approach, famously stating in a 2021 Saturday Night Live sketch: “To anyone I’ve offended, I just want to say: I reinvented electric cars and I’m sending people to Mars in a rocket ship. Did you think I was also going to be a chill, normal dude?” This nonconformity has undeniably propelled him to extraordinary wealth. However, Musk should take heed of the lessons from Luce’s tenure: political engagement can lead to significant consequences, and the backlash could be even more pronounced today.
Since Musk acquired Twitter/X in 2022, the platform has experienced declines in both advertising revenues and user engagement. While X still boasts 50 million users in the U.S. and 300 million globally, his endorsement of Trump might alienate dissatisfied users. This risk could complicate Musk's ambitions to extend X’s influence further.
Musk's other ventures, including Tesla and SpaceX, might also be affected. Tesla relies on individual consumers, but it equally depends on government contracts, which may become less accessible if government officials are displeased with his political stance. To borrow from Michael Jordan: “Republicans buy sneakers, too.” In a similar vein, "Democrats buy cars, too." Additionally, both Tesla and SpaceX might find themselves competing for fewer contracts under a potentially vengeful Kamala Harris administration.
Another concern lies in the realm of selective enforcement. The myriad regulations on the books mean not every company faces repercussions for every infraction, but firms attracting heightened scrutiny can encounter difficulties. Since President Joe Biden took office, Musk's enterprises have been under investigation by various federal agencies, including the NHTSA, DOJ, NLRB, Fish and Wildlife Service, and FTC. While there's no conclusive evidence that these probes stem from direct orders from the president, as noted by the Wall Street Journal editorial board, “We doubt any order from on high has been sent, but it doesn’t need to be when a figure becomes Progressive Enemy No. 1.” Musk also faces international scrutiny, as European regulators examine his use of X to promote Trump.
Musk is surely conscious of these risks, and this historical context underscores the point that excessive political involvement can have detrimental effects — even when one appears to come out on top.
Mathilde Moreau contributed to this report for TROIB News
In each election cycle, celebrities often attempt to sway public opinion in favor of their preferred candidates. While a recent study indicates that stars like Megan Thee Stallion and Kid Rock can boost voter enthusiasm, it is the exceptionally wealthy and influential CEOs — like Musk — who possess a disproportionate influence on political campaigns.
Musk, like all American citizens, has the right to engage in political activities, whether that involves funding super PACs, mobilizing voters behind the scenes, or providing a platform for them to speak. However, such involvement can have repercussions.
Historical examples serve as a cautionary tale: TIME's founder, Henry Luce, poured himself into promoting General Dwight Eisenhower's campaign. This open support, atypical for a media organization, yielded immediate benefits, including direct access to Eisenhower during his presidency. Yet, Luce's enthusiastic backing ultimately tarnished his magazine’s journalistic integrity.
Luce launched TIME in 1923 to fill a void in the national news landscape. As America's inaugural national newsmagazine, it quickly garnered a massive readership and had a keen interest in presidential affairs. TIME pioneered reporting on the president's daily schedule and even introduced a popular feature called "The President's Week."
Luce's desire for positive connections with the presidency stemmed from his tumultuous relationship with Franklin Delano Roosevelt, who he fiercely opposed. Luce supported losing candidates against Roosevelt and continued to nurse his resentment even after the president's death. His animosity persisted throughout the Truman administration as well.
In 1952, Luce recognized an opportunity to break the Democrats' grip on the White House, believing it was detrimental both to himself and the country. That year, he fully endorsed Eisenhower, leveraging his media empire to support the general's bid in multiple ways.
Before Eisenhower even officially declared his candidacy, Luce met with him in Paris and felt an immediate political affinity. Luce expressed admiration for Eisenhower's "sound of the man's voice" and the "twinkle" in his "brightest blue eyes."
During the 1952 election cycle, expectations of nonpartisanship in journalism existed, but Luce still directed his magazines, TIME and Life, to portray Eisenhower positively, including in a Life editorial entitled “The Case for Ike.”
Eisenhower later remarked that this editorial encouraged him to run. Once he did, TIME's coverage was so flattering that campaign manager Henry Cabot Lodge distributed copies of the magazine during his meetings.
In a rare move, Luce even provided Eisenhower's campaign with staff from his own team, including speechwriters and advisers. Hughes crafted the famously effective slogan, “If elected, I shall go to Korea,” which effectively conveyed Eisenhower’s focus on ending the Korean conflict — contributing to his victory over Democrat Adlai Stevenson, where he received 55 percent of the popular vote and swept the Electoral College.
Luce also played a key role in shaping Eisenhower's campaign vision, including a Life article by John Foster Dulles that outlined a Republican foreign policy, which subsequently influenced Eisenhower’s Republican platform and led to Dulles becoming his secretary of State.
Following Eisenhower's victory, Luce celebrated with friends, exclaiming: “Victory, it’s wonderful.” In the wake of this triumph, Luce's wife even took a position as ambassador to Italy, allowing him to see his foreign policy ideas come to fruition. Luce relished the fact that Eisenhower was a capable president, overseeing a period of prosperity, and promoted his successes to the readership of his magazines, which numbered 30 million.
Despite these benefits, Luce's strong alignment with Eisenhower came at a price. TIME faced internal dissent from staff who felt it had become "Eisenhower’s mouthpiece." Luce’s curt response to criticism — “I am your boss. I guess that means I can fire any of you” — did little to win over his team.
Moreover, TIME's reputation suffered during Eisenhower's presidency for being overly favorable. A joke circulated that “Time was even-handed during election years: Half the time it praised the Republicans, and half the time it damned the Democrats.” Intellectuals began to turn against TIME, and it was begrudgingly labeled a middle-brow publication. Luce stepped down in 1964 and passed away three years later at 68. TIME later shifted towards a more liberal stance under subsequent leadership, and while its decline was influenced more by the internet than Luce’s actions, the legacy of his political entanglements remains notable.
As for Musk, he has a tendency to embrace a contrarian approach, famously stating in a 2021 Saturday Night Live sketch: “To anyone I’ve offended, I just want to say: I reinvented electric cars and I’m sending people to Mars in a rocket ship. Did you think I was also going to be a chill, normal dude?” This nonconformity has undeniably propelled him to extraordinary wealth. However, Musk should take heed of the lessons from Luce’s tenure: political engagement can lead to significant consequences, and the backlash could be even more pronounced today.
Since Musk acquired Twitter/X in 2022, the platform has experienced declines in both advertising revenues and user engagement. While X still boasts 50 million users in the U.S. and 300 million globally, his endorsement of Trump might alienate dissatisfied users. This risk could complicate Musk's ambitions to extend X’s influence further.
Musk's other ventures, including Tesla and SpaceX, might also be affected. Tesla relies on individual consumers, but it equally depends on government contracts, which may become less accessible if government officials are displeased with his political stance. To borrow from Michael Jordan: “Republicans buy sneakers, too.” In a similar vein, "Democrats buy cars, too." Additionally, both Tesla and SpaceX might find themselves competing for fewer contracts under a potentially vengeful Kamala Harris administration.
Another concern lies in the realm of selective enforcement. The myriad regulations on the books mean not every company faces repercussions for every infraction, but firms attracting heightened scrutiny can encounter difficulties. Since President Joe Biden took office, Musk's enterprises have been under investigation by various federal agencies, including the NHTSA, DOJ, NLRB, Fish and Wildlife Service, and FTC. While there's no conclusive evidence that these probes stem from direct orders from the president, as noted by the Wall Street Journal editorial board, “We doubt any order from on high has been sent, but it doesn’t need to be when a figure becomes Progressive Enemy No. 1.” Musk also faces international scrutiny, as European regulators examine his use of X to promote Trump.
Musk is surely conscious of these risks, and this historical context underscores the point that excessive political involvement can have detrimental effects — even when one appears to come out on top.
Mathilde Moreau contributed to this report for TROIB News
