The anti-Trump movement is disorganized. Now it’s struggling to stay relevant.
Trump’s decisive victory enabled him to swiftly strengthen his position within the party as he gets ready to make his return to Washington.
TroibNews 
Donald Trump’s recent victory has fractured the already divided Never Trump movement, further sidelining his MAGA critics and leaving several prominent Republican figures struggling to maintain their relevance within the reorganized GOP.
Recently, former U.N. Ambassador Nikki Haley criticized two of the president-elect's key appointees, Tulsi Gabbard and Robert F. Kennedy Jr., during her radio show. Former Virginia Rep. Barbara Comstock lambasted Trump's nominees, describing the Cabinet as one of “Putinists and pedophiles.” Meanwhile, former Vice President Mike Pence sought to mobilize anti-abortion conservatives against Kennedy, who is set to become Trump’s Health and Human Services secretary.
However, these critiques are emanating from the sidelines as Trump, having restructured the party, pushes forward with his vision for Washington. He enjoys the support of congressional Republicans who largely have no incentive to heed his critics.
“The Never Trumpers and Lincoln Project folks just need to climb back under their rocks for a few years,” stated Scott Reed, a seasoned GOP strategist and leader of the Pro-Pence Committed to America PAC.
Trump's decisive win has enabled him to swiftly consolidate power, scattering the remnants of the Republican opposition to regroup in their corners. Individuals like Haley and Pence critique their former leader on some fronts yet remain aligned with him on others, believing they can still influence a GOP that has largely acquiesced to Trump’s dominance. In contrast, others from the original Never-Trump movement, sidelined or having exited the party voluntarily, have abandoned efforts to restore Republican principles as they once understood them.
Joe Walsh, a former GOP congressman and noted Trump critic who sought the party's nomination in 2020 before switching to independent status, remarked that Trump's reelection has removed the chance of reforming the Republican Party. He suggested that the prospects for disillusioned Republicans to create a new party have dimmed as well.
“It’s down to two options,” Walsh noted in an interview. “Productively throw rocks at the administration — kind of be like a group in exile and from a distance do what we can to damage MAGA, knowing we can never go back — or become Democrats.”
Skeptics of Trump within the GOP appear to be adopting the former approach, using the Cabinet selection process to challenge his MAGA agenda while attempting to assert their political significance once again.
Haley, a more traditional foreign policy proponent, recently criticized Gabbard's foreign policy as being aligned with adversarial nations, calling her a “Russian, Iranian, Syrian, Chinese sympathizer.” She also labeled Kennedy a “liberal Democrat” lacking a healthcare background.
She conveyed her “serious concerns” in an email to supporters promoting her radio show, where she also sought feedback on top Republican priorities in Washington. Ultimately, Trump has made it clear that Haley, his major GOP primary rival, who later backed him, will not have a role in his forthcoming term.
Pence, after his own unsuccessful presidential campaign, refrained from endorsing his former running mate. He initially expressed optimism about Trump’s Cabinet choices but later described Kennedy’s varied stances on abortion as “deeply concerning to millions of Pro-Life Americans who have supported the Republican Party and our nominees for decades.”
However, the views of Haley and Pence, along with criticisms from other anti-Trump Republicans regarding Trump's Cabinet nominations, do not carry significant weight within the MAGA movement.
“Who cares what Mike Pence thinks?” questioned Mike Davis, Trump’s outspoken legal defender and former Senate GOP aide. Pence’s team did not reply to requests for comment, nor did representatives for Haley.
It remains uncertain whether Trump’s critics will utilize their limited political capital and financial resources through their advocacy groups and super PACs, such as Pence’s Advancing American Freedom, to oppose any of his controversial nominations.
Instead, many of Trump’s skeptics are focusing their efforts on Congress to counter his more contentious initiatives. They view recent actions, like the selection of John Thune as majority leader over Trump ally Rick Scott and the ousting of scandal-plagued former Florida Rep. Matt Gaetz from consideration for attorney general, as encouraging signs.
“That is the only way for Trump to be checked … the sort of in-group moderates, the people who are members of the Republican Party who won’t give Trump carte blanche and who will push back against the most damaging things,” said Sarah Longwell, an anti-Trump GOP strategist and publisher of The Bulwark. “You’re going to need people in the Republican Party to not cave completely to Trump.”
Yet, once Trump returns to office in January, congressional Republicans may be less inclined to challenge him, especially as the process for vetting Cabinet picks shifts into a more public arena. Acts of defiance could provoke Trump’s ire as well as potential primary challenges in 2026, making it difficult for GOP senators to secure reelection without Trump’s backing.
Moreover, the number of Trump’s opponents in the Senate will likely shrink in the next Congress. The two Republican senators, Susan Collins of Maine and Lisa Murkowski of Alaska, who voted for his impeachment, will not suffice to block any nominations on their own.
“It’s got to start in Congress,” stated Geoff Duncan, the former Republican lieutenant governor of Georgia who supported Vice President Kamala Harris over Trump. “You’ve got to have serious-minded senators willing to hold the conservative line and filter out as much anger and grievance-filled decision-making as possible.”
If such a bulwark diminishes, the last remnants of the broader Trump resistance may also fade away. When asked about the future of Never Trumpers, Jeff Timmer, the former executive director of the Michigan GOP and a member of the Lincoln Project, quipped, “You mean reeducation camps? I’m being an optimist.”
Rohan Mehta for TROIB News
Recently, former U.N. Ambassador Nikki Haley criticized two of the president-elect's key appointees, Tulsi Gabbard and Robert F. Kennedy Jr., during her radio show. Former Virginia Rep. Barbara Comstock lambasted Trump's nominees, describing the Cabinet as one of “Putinists and pedophiles.” Meanwhile, former Vice President Mike Pence sought to mobilize anti-abortion conservatives against Kennedy, who is set to become Trump’s Health and Human Services secretary.
However, these critiques are emanating from the sidelines as Trump, having restructured the party, pushes forward with his vision for Washington. He enjoys the support of congressional Republicans who largely have no incentive to heed his critics.
“The Never Trumpers and Lincoln Project folks just need to climb back under their rocks for a few years,” stated Scott Reed, a seasoned GOP strategist and leader of the Pro-Pence Committed to America PAC.
Trump's decisive win has enabled him to swiftly consolidate power, scattering the remnants of the Republican opposition to regroup in their corners. Individuals like Haley and Pence critique their former leader on some fronts yet remain aligned with him on others, believing they can still influence a GOP that has largely acquiesced to Trump’s dominance. In contrast, others from the original Never-Trump movement, sidelined or having exited the party voluntarily, have abandoned efforts to restore Republican principles as they once understood them.
Joe Walsh, a former GOP congressman and noted Trump critic who sought the party's nomination in 2020 before switching to independent status, remarked that Trump's reelection has removed the chance of reforming the Republican Party. He suggested that the prospects for disillusioned Republicans to create a new party have dimmed as well.
“It’s down to two options,” Walsh noted in an interview. “Productively throw rocks at the administration — kind of be like a group in exile and from a distance do what we can to damage MAGA, knowing we can never go back — or become Democrats.”
Skeptics of Trump within the GOP appear to be adopting the former approach, using the Cabinet selection process to challenge his MAGA agenda while attempting to assert their political significance once again.
Haley, a more traditional foreign policy proponent, recently criticized Gabbard's foreign policy as being aligned with adversarial nations, calling her a “Russian, Iranian, Syrian, Chinese sympathizer.” She also labeled Kennedy a “liberal Democrat” lacking a healthcare background.
She conveyed her “serious concerns” in an email to supporters promoting her radio show, where she also sought feedback on top Republican priorities in Washington. Ultimately, Trump has made it clear that Haley, his major GOP primary rival, who later backed him, will not have a role in his forthcoming term.
Pence, after his own unsuccessful presidential campaign, refrained from endorsing his former running mate. He initially expressed optimism about Trump’s Cabinet choices but later described Kennedy’s varied stances on abortion as “deeply concerning to millions of Pro-Life Americans who have supported the Republican Party and our nominees for decades.”
However, the views of Haley and Pence, along with criticisms from other anti-Trump Republicans regarding Trump's Cabinet nominations, do not carry significant weight within the MAGA movement.
“Who cares what Mike Pence thinks?” questioned Mike Davis, Trump’s outspoken legal defender and former Senate GOP aide. Pence’s team did not reply to requests for comment, nor did representatives for Haley.
It remains uncertain whether Trump’s critics will utilize their limited political capital and financial resources through their advocacy groups and super PACs, such as Pence’s Advancing American Freedom, to oppose any of his controversial nominations.
Instead, many of Trump’s skeptics are focusing their efforts on Congress to counter his more contentious initiatives. They view recent actions, like the selection of John Thune as majority leader over Trump ally Rick Scott and the ousting of scandal-plagued former Florida Rep. Matt Gaetz from consideration for attorney general, as encouraging signs.
“That is the only way for Trump to be checked … the sort of in-group moderates, the people who are members of the Republican Party who won’t give Trump carte blanche and who will push back against the most damaging things,” said Sarah Longwell, an anti-Trump GOP strategist and publisher of The Bulwark. “You’re going to need people in the Republican Party to not cave completely to Trump.”
Yet, once Trump returns to office in January, congressional Republicans may be less inclined to challenge him, especially as the process for vetting Cabinet picks shifts into a more public arena. Acts of defiance could provoke Trump’s ire as well as potential primary challenges in 2026, making it difficult for GOP senators to secure reelection without Trump’s backing.
Moreover, the number of Trump’s opponents in the Senate will likely shrink in the next Congress. The two Republican senators, Susan Collins of Maine and Lisa Murkowski of Alaska, who voted for his impeachment, will not suffice to block any nominations on their own.
“It’s got to start in Congress,” stated Geoff Duncan, the former Republican lieutenant governor of Georgia who supported Vice President Kamala Harris over Trump. “You’ve got to have serious-minded senators willing to hold the conservative line and filter out as much anger and grievance-filled decision-making as possible.”
If such a bulwark diminishes, the last remnants of the broader Trump resistance may also fade away. When asked about the future of Never Trumpers, Jeff Timmer, the former executive director of the Michigan GOP and a member of the Lincoln Project, quipped, “You mean reeducation camps? I’m being an optimist.”
Rohan Mehta for TROIB News
