How Navy SEALs Took Over Congress — And Emerged as the Vanguard of the MAGA Movement
A historic number of former SEALs are now serving on Capitol Hill. Does this shift create a conflict between their political roles and the special forces’ tradition of operating in secrecy?
TroibNews 
When Ryan Zinke arrived in the House of Representatives in 2014 as Montana's junior member, he stood out as an unusual figure. Having served three decades in the U.S. Navy SEALs, Zinke made history as the first active member of this elite special forces unit to serve in the House and only the second ever in Congress. His entrance to Capitol Hill sparked curiosity among his peers. At that time, the Navy SEALs were in the spotlight due to SEAL Team Six’s involvement in the 2011 operation that eliminated Osama bin Laden, a moment that solidified their image as elite fighters. Zinke, who once played offensive lineman for the University of Oregon football team, fit the mold of this crafted image.
“You don’t have to be six-foot-three, 225 pounds and be able to bench 400 pounds,” Zinke joked, “but it helps.”
Since their inception in the early 1960s, the Navy SEALs have played a significant role in some of the most perilous and notable missions in U.S. military history. A decade after Zinke's arrival in Washington, the prestigious unit has made its way into another battleground: Congress.
As the 119th Congress began its session in January, Zinke was part of a growing group that included six former SEALs: Reps. Eli Crane from Arizona, Morgan Luttrell and Dan Crenshaw from Texas, Derrick Van Orden from Wisconsin, John McGuire from Virginia, and first-time Senator Tim Sheehy from Montana. All align with the Republican Party and, in various ways, connect with Donald Trump and the MAGA movement.
While this number may seem small, former SEALs now constitute over 1 percent of Congress, a figure that stands out against the broader backdrop of the SEAL community. The increasing presence of these ex-SEAL lawmakers in Capitol Hill has coincided with, and in many respects supported, a noticeable shift in the style of Republican politics.
Post-World War II, Korea, and Vietnam, a group of Republican lawmakers established a consensus-driven conservative style that lasted until the Republican Revolution of the 1990s. The new generation of ex-SEALs, who mostly came of age during the Gulf War and the war on terror, have adopted a more aggressive approach to politics. This newer style prioritizes partisan conflict, legislative brinkmanship, and a strong support for Trump.
This approach draws inspiration not only from the broader MAGA movement but also reflects a “warrior mentality” embraced by many of the members, indicating that they will do whatever it takes—staying within certain boundaries—to achieve their goals, even if it requires challenging Republican leadership or breaking congressional protocols. According to several former SEALs, this background has allowed them to effectively promote the new style of Republican politics that emerged with the Trump era. As the MAGA movement has reshaped Washington, former Navy SEALs have become its frontline advocates on Capitol Hill.
“From the tea party movement through the Trump movement, people are looking for aggressive and kind of independent anti-establishment voices, and [the SEALs] are a brand that people recognize as brash,” noted John Byrnes, strategic director of the advocacy group Concerned Veterans for America and a U.S. Marine Corps veteran. “They recognize [them] as fighters.”
However, this “warrior mentality” has not translated into a particularly successful legislative agenda. Despite their “mission-focused” attitudes, the ex-SEALs have not been prolific creators of legislation. Their martial mindset exhibits a clear preference for Trump’s confrontational political style, which often values disruption over collaboration within political structures.
Within the GOP, the SEAL identity has become shorthand for this tough approach. In various campaign materials, many ex-SEALs prominently feature the SEAL trident to signal their alignment with the MAGA movement as insurgents against a corrupt establishment that includes both Democrats and moderate Republicans.
“I don’t see the Republican Party as my chain of command,” said Crane, a member of the ultraconservative Freedom Caucus, who began his campaign in 2021 with an ad that included him discussing his SEAL background while getting “We the People” tattooed on his arm. “I see the Republican Party, in many ways, as a big part of the problem.”
The increase in former SEALs in Congress is notable during a period of declining military veteran representation overall. Between 1965 and 1975, at least 70 percent of House and Senate members had military experience, a reflection of high military engagement from the World War II, Korea, and Vietnam generations. This shared military background previously fostered bipartisan cooperation during the Cold War. In contrast, less than 19 percent of current Congress members have military backgrounds, a decline attributed to the end of the draft in 1973 and the shift to an all-volunteer military. Of the 100 veterans in the 119th Congress, 72 are Republicans while 28 are Democrats.
The increase in ex-SEALs on the Hill is not entirely unexpected. The SEALs have had a prominent role in American culture since their establishment, spurred by best-sellers and movies showcasing their deeds.
The emergence of the SEALs as a cultural icon has created a significant political advantage for former SEALs, which Republicans have capitalized on more readily than their Democratic counterparts. Zinke played a crucial role in this strategy: while campaigning in 2014, he created a Republican-aligned independent PAC named SEAL PAC, aimed at recruiting and supporting campaigns for special ops veterans.
“There’s a perception of the SEAL as being the very best and capable warriors, and that perception is easily transferred to a candidate that is running for political office,” Zinke explained, who returned to Congress in 2023 following a tumultuous stint as Secretary of the Interior under Trump. “Americans want to be represented by a winner.”
Conversely, the politicization of the SEAL brand and its deeper association with the Republican Party's right wing has generated friction within the larger SEAL community, where a tradition of "quiet professionalism" continues to resonate. Not all the ex-SEALs in Congress align completely with this ethos.
“I’ve never known a SEAL to be that quiet,” Zinke remarked. “Green Berets have traditionally been more quiet, but SEALs? You’ve got books, you’ve got movies, you’ve got calendars” — or, he could have added, campaign buses adorned with the SEAL Trident, a feature prominent in Zinke's campaigns. “When people refer to the SEALs as the quiet warriors, maybe I’m just looking at a different SEAL,” he stated.
Additionally, tensions arise from the varying ideological stances among these ex-SEAL members; for instance, Crenshaw is part of a more traditional wing of the Republican Party and has diverged from hard-line conservatives by endorsing military assistance for Ukraine.
Despite differing viewpoints, many ex-SEALs seem to share the perspective that Congress is now another battlefield in the ongoing conflict they once faced as SEALs.
“The war is over, but guys are still hungry,” observed Luttrell. “Our entire lifestyle was built around conflict and protection of our country, so it’s like, ‘Hey, if I can’t be in that elite unit out front, where is there another spot that I can do something special and there’s only 435 of us?’”
Luttrell, who arrived at SEAL training camp during a two-mile open-ocean swim on September 11, 2001, remembered the impactful moment vividly. Upon returning to land, he learned that a second plane had hit the south tower. “All the instructors were trying to get out of training details and get back to a team,” he recounted. “They knew, ‘Hey, this is it — we’re going to war.’”
Raised in a military family on a Texas horse ranch, Luttrell felt that serving was in his “bone marrow.” He and his twin brother, Marcus, were inspired to pursue the SEALs after watching a documentary on special operations forces.
Upon joining the Navy, Luttrell began SEAL boot camp, where one of his instructors was Zinke. “He was an animal — I mean, really terrifying,” Luttrell recalled with a laugh.
After completing his training in 2004, Luttrell deployed to Afghanistan for "precision-driven missions" targeting high-value individuals.
Luttrell's political journey began with his brother Marcus. In July 2005, Marcus was involved in an operation in Afghanistan that resulted in the death of three teammates; he was the sole survivor. Two years later, Marcus's account of the mission, documented in *Lone Survivor*, became a best-seller and led to a Hollywood adaptation starring Mark Wahlberg, catapulting the Luttrell family into the national spotlight. By 2015, Morgan was medically retired due to injuries from training and sought a new path. Reconnecting with Zinke in the Trump administration, Luttrell later considered running for a House seat.
When Luttrell approached Zinke for advice on his candidacy, Zinke’s first response was half-joking: “Don’t do it!” After Luttrell committed, Zinke and SEAL PAC supported his campaign, which, along with Zinke's own re-election and new wins for Crane and Van Orden, enlarged their cohort to five.
The rise of SEALs in Congress has sparked ongoing discussions about the implications of the SEAL community’s post-2011 visibility. The official SEAL ethos emphasizes “quiet professionalism,” yet there has been a noticeable shift toward public engagement and marketing of their identity, particularly following the bin Laden operation.
Despite the changing culture, not all ex-SEALs agree with abandoning the ethos. In 2015, former SEAL lieutenant commander Forrest Crowell expressed concerns about the trend of commodifying their identity for partisan ends, specifically referencing Zinke’s frequent display of the SEAL trident. Crowell argued that this shift had undermined the force's integrity and civil-military relations.
The impact of Crowell's thesis reverberated through the ex-SEAL community, igniting important debates about maintaining the original spirit of the SEALs in the current political landscape. For the new generation of ex-SEAL lawmakers, questions persist about how to balance their commitments to the SEAL legacy while fulfilling their roles in the political arena.
“You have to find entertainment value in [the SEALs], since my brother wrote a book about it,” Luttrell lightheartedly noted. “Yet at a more personal level, I try not to be overly ostentatious about my SEAL background. That chapter in my life was quiet; it’s supposed to be quiet.”
Sheehy, who recently became the second Navy SEAL to join the Senate, mentioned the political reality of the SEAL title cannot be ignored, even if ex-SEALs prefer otherwise.
“If someone reads about you on the internet and they see that you are a small business owner, a pilot, a father, a farmer, a rancher and a Navy SEAL, the two words they pull out that whole resume are ‘Navy SEAL,’” noted Sheehy, who triumphed over Democrat Jon Tester in one of the costliest Senate campaigns of 2024. “Whether we like it or not, and whether we were SEALs for two years or for 20 years, that title really becomes what you’re known as.”
From the onset, SEALs were distinguished by their independent mindset. Formed in 1962, the first teams responded to the military’s acknowledgment that conventional conflict was evolving rapidly, necessitating a more adaptable and agile approach to warfare.
This mentality has evolved into a belief that SEALs possess greater autonomy than typical military units, operating independently when required.
These notions have carried over as ex-SEALs have transitioned into Congress, with most aligning with Trump's MAGA movement, often against traditional Republican leadership. This independence has led to overt confrontations with GOP leadership.
“It’s up to each individual [to decide] who they actually think their chain of command is,” Crane explained, illustrating how he regards his responsibility to constituents over party lines. “I see my chain of command as the voters from Arizona’s second congressional district, so that’s why I’m much more willing to buck the system and take a stand against my own party.”
However, this attitude has not facilitated legislative successes for the ex-SEALs. For instance, of the 23 bills Crane has sponsored, only three passed the House, and none became law. Similarly, Luttrell has seen three bills get past the House, with one signed into law. Crenshaw, viewed as a more moderate member, is the most productive ex-SEAL in terms of legislative effectiveness.
For those more aligned with hard-line conservatism, like Crane, the goal appears to be dismantling an irreparably broken system rather than attempting to work collaboratively through traditional legislative processes. Under this lens, the ex-SEALs have been diligent supporters of the MAGA movement, endorsing Trump’s more aggressive initiatives to consolidate executive power.
“I do think it resonates with guys like me who want to change the system,” Crane said regarding Trump's early efforts. “People feel like it’s broken and are willing to take hard stands on things.”
Sheehy epitomizes the merging of the SEAL identity with MAGA, presenting an image reminiscent of Hollywood portrayals of the elite force. During his campaign, he aligned himself with Trump on key issues while adopting a combative style. When challengers questioned claims about his military service, Sheehy labeled them as “never Trumpers.”
Crenshaw stands in contrast, representing a more traditional conservative approach. Since his election in 2019, he has supported Trump publicly while criticizing Republicans who questioned the integrity of the 2020 election.
Despite differences within the group, ex-SEALs maintain a sense of solidarity, holding themselves accountable to their shared experiences and backgrounds.
“There’s always accountability from that pin that we wear on our chests, the training we went through and the wars that we fought together,” Luttrell explained. “I can be like, ‘Hey, bro, I need you to shoot straight on this,’ and the answer is, ‘No problem.’”
McGuire, who was elected last year from Virginia, commented on the camaraderie among the ex-SEALs, emphasizing their supportive nature. “We call, text, ask advice, give advice,” he said. “I’m friends with all of them.”
When I asked Luttrell whether serving in Congress fulfills a similar sense of purpose as his time in the SEALs, he affirmed there is a thrill, albeit different.
“It’s just a different kind,” he said. “But there is success in it.” He recounted a recent heartwarming experience where he notified a young female constituent of her acceptance to the U.S. Naval Academy. “It was the greatest day of her life.”
While this story was moving, I suggested it couldn’t quite compare to the thrill of combat.
“Well, no one has shot at me,” he replied with a chuckle. “Not so far.”
Frederick R Cook for TROIB News
“You don’t have to be six-foot-three, 225 pounds and be able to bench 400 pounds,” Zinke joked, “but it helps.”
Since their inception in the early 1960s, the Navy SEALs have played a significant role in some of the most perilous and notable missions in U.S. military history. A decade after Zinke's arrival in Washington, the prestigious unit has made its way into another battleground: Congress.
As the 119th Congress began its session in January, Zinke was part of a growing group that included six former SEALs: Reps. Eli Crane from Arizona, Morgan Luttrell and Dan Crenshaw from Texas, Derrick Van Orden from Wisconsin, John McGuire from Virginia, and first-time Senator Tim Sheehy from Montana. All align with the Republican Party and, in various ways, connect with Donald Trump and the MAGA movement.
While this number may seem small, former SEALs now constitute over 1 percent of Congress, a figure that stands out against the broader backdrop of the SEAL community. The increasing presence of these ex-SEAL lawmakers in Capitol Hill has coincided with, and in many respects supported, a noticeable shift in the style of Republican politics.
Post-World War II, Korea, and Vietnam, a group of Republican lawmakers established a consensus-driven conservative style that lasted until the Republican Revolution of the 1990s. The new generation of ex-SEALs, who mostly came of age during the Gulf War and the war on terror, have adopted a more aggressive approach to politics. This newer style prioritizes partisan conflict, legislative brinkmanship, and a strong support for Trump.
This approach draws inspiration not only from the broader MAGA movement but also reflects a “warrior mentality” embraced by many of the members, indicating that they will do whatever it takes—staying within certain boundaries—to achieve their goals, even if it requires challenging Republican leadership or breaking congressional protocols. According to several former SEALs, this background has allowed them to effectively promote the new style of Republican politics that emerged with the Trump era. As the MAGA movement has reshaped Washington, former Navy SEALs have become its frontline advocates on Capitol Hill.
“From the tea party movement through the Trump movement, people are looking for aggressive and kind of independent anti-establishment voices, and [the SEALs] are a brand that people recognize as brash,” noted John Byrnes, strategic director of the advocacy group Concerned Veterans for America and a U.S. Marine Corps veteran. “They recognize [them] as fighters.”
However, this “warrior mentality” has not translated into a particularly successful legislative agenda. Despite their “mission-focused” attitudes, the ex-SEALs have not been prolific creators of legislation. Their martial mindset exhibits a clear preference for Trump’s confrontational political style, which often values disruption over collaboration within political structures.
Within the GOP, the SEAL identity has become shorthand for this tough approach. In various campaign materials, many ex-SEALs prominently feature the SEAL trident to signal their alignment with the MAGA movement as insurgents against a corrupt establishment that includes both Democrats and moderate Republicans.
“I don’t see the Republican Party as my chain of command,” said Crane, a member of the ultraconservative Freedom Caucus, who began his campaign in 2021 with an ad that included him discussing his SEAL background while getting “We the People” tattooed on his arm. “I see the Republican Party, in many ways, as a big part of the problem.”
The increase in former SEALs in Congress is notable during a period of declining military veteran representation overall. Between 1965 and 1975, at least 70 percent of House and Senate members had military experience, a reflection of high military engagement from the World War II, Korea, and Vietnam generations. This shared military background previously fostered bipartisan cooperation during the Cold War. In contrast, less than 19 percent of current Congress members have military backgrounds, a decline attributed to the end of the draft in 1973 and the shift to an all-volunteer military. Of the 100 veterans in the 119th Congress, 72 are Republicans while 28 are Democrats.
The increase in ex-SEALs on the Hill is not entirely unexpected. The SEALs have had a prominent role in American culture since their establishment, spurred by best-sellers and movies showcasing their deeds.
The emergence of the SEALs as a cultural icon has created a significant political advantage for former SEALs, which Republicans have capitalized on more readily than their Democratic counterparts. Zinke played a crucial role in this strategy: while campaigning in 2014, he created a Republican-aligned independent PAC named SEAL PAC, aimed at recruiting and supporting campaigns for special ops veterans.
“There’s a perception of the SEAL as being the very best and capable warriors, and that perception is easily transferred to a candidate that is running for political office,” Zinke explained, who returned to Congress in 2023 following a tumultuous stint as Secretary of the Interior under Trump. “Americans want to be represented by a winner.”
Conversely, the politicization of the SEAL brand and its deeper association with the Republican Party's right wing has generated friction within the larger SEAL community, where a tradition of "quiet professionalism" continues to resonate. Not all the ex-SEALs in Congress align completely with this ethos.
“I’ve never known a SEAL to be that quiet,” Zinke remarked. “Green Berets have traditionally been more quiet, but SEALs? You’ve got books, you’ve got movies, you’ve got calendars” — or, he could have added, campaign buses adorned with the SEAL Trident, a feature prominent in Zinke's campaigns. “When people refer to the SEALs as the quiet warriors, maybe I’m just looking at a different SEAL,” he stated.
Additionally, tensions arise from the varying ideological stances among these ex-SEAL members; for instance, Crenshaw is part of a more traditional wing of the Republican Party and has diverged from hard-line conservatives by endorsing military assistance for Ukraine.
Despite differing viewpoints, many ex-SEALs seem to share the perspective that Congress is now another battlefield in the ongoing conflict they once faced as SEALs.
“The war is over, but guys are still hungry,” observed Luttrell. “Our entire lifestyle was built around conflict and protection of our country, so it’s like, ‘Hey, if I can’t be in that elite unit out front, where is there another spot that I can do something special and there’s only 435 of us?’”
Luttrell, who arrived at SEAL training camp during a two-mile open-ocean swim on September 11, 2001, remembered the impactful moment vividly. Upon returning to land, he learned that a second plane had hit the south tower. “All the instructors were trying to get out of training details and get back to a team,” he recounted. “They knew, ‘Hey, this is it — we’re going to war.’”
Raised in a military family on a Texas horse ranch, Luttrell felt that serving was in his “bone marrow.” He and his twin brother, Marcus, were inspired to pursue the SEALs after watching a documentary on special operations forces.
Upon joining the Navy, Luttrell began SEAL boot camp, where one of his instructors was Zinke. “He was an animal — I mean, really terrifying,” Luttrell recalled with a laugh.
After completing his training in 2004, Luttrell deployed to Afghanistan for "precision-driven missions" targeting high-value individuals.
Luttrell's political journey began with his brother Marcus. In July 2005, Marcus was involved in an operation in Afghanistan that resulted in the death of three teammates; he was the sole survivor. Two years later, Marcus's account of the mission, documented in *Lone Survivor*, became a best-seller and led to a Hollywood adaptation starring Mark Wahlberg, catapulting the Luttrell family into the national spotlight. By 2015, Morgan was medically retired due to injuries from training and sought a new path. Reconnecting with Zinke in the Trump administration, Luttrell later considered running for a House seat.
When Luttrell approached Zinke for advice on his candidacy, Zinke’s first response was half-joking: “Don’t do it!” After Luttrell committed, Zinke and SEAL PAC supported his campaign, which, along with Zinke's own re-election and new wins for Crane and Van Orden, enlarged their cohort to five.
The rise of SEALs in Congress has sparked ongoing discussions about the implications of the SEAL community’s post-2011 visibility. The official SEAL ethos emphasizes “quiet professionalism,” yet there has been a noticeable shift toward public engagement and marketing of their identity, particularly following the bin Laden operation.
Despite the changing culture, not all ex-SEALs agree with abandoning the ethos. In 2015, former SEAL lieutenant commander Forrest Crowell expressed concerns about the trend of commodifying their identity for partisan ends, specifically referencing Zinke’s frequent display of the SEAL trident. Crowell argued that this shift had undermined the force's integrity and civil-military relations.
The impact of Crowell's thesis reverberated through the ex-SEAL community, igniting important debates about maintaining the original spirit of the SEALs in the current political landscape. For the new generation of ex-SEAL lawmakers, questions persist about how to balance their commitments to the SEAL legacy while fulfilling their roles in the political arena.
“You have to find entertainment value in [the SEALs], since my brother wrote a book about it,” Luttrell lightheartedly noted. “Yet at a more personal level, I try not to be overly ostentatious about my SEAL background. That chapter in my life was quiet; it’s supposed to be quiet.”
Sheehy, who recently became the second Navy SEAL to join the Senate, mentioned the political reality of the SEAL title cannot be ignored, even if ex-SEALs prefer otherwise.
“If someone reads about you on the internet and they see that you are a small business owner, a pilot, a father, a farmer, a rancher and a Navy SEAL, the two words they pull out that whole resume are ‘Navy SEAL,’” noted Sheehy, who triumphed over Democrat Jon Tester in one of the costliest Senate campaigns of 2024. “Whether we like it or not, and whether we were SEALs for two years or for 20 years, that title really becomes what you’re known as.”
From the onset, SEALs were distinguished by their independent mindset. Formed in 1962, the first teams responded to the military’s acknowledgment that conventional conflict was evolving rapidly, necessitating a more adaptable and agile approach to warfare.
This mentality has evolved into a belief that SEALs possess greater autonomy than typical military units, operating independently when required.
These notions have carried over as ex-SEALs have transitioned into Congress, with most aligning with Trump's MAGA movement, often against traditional Republican leadership. This independence has led to overt confrontations with GOP leadership.
“It’s up to each individual [to decide] who they actually think their chain of command is,” Crane explained, illustrating how he regards his responsibility to constituents over party lines. “I see my chain of command as the voters from Arizona’s second congressional district, so that’s why I’m much more willing to buck the system and take a stand against my own party.”
However, this attitude has not facilitated legislative successes for the ex-SEALs. For instance, of the 23 bills Crane has sponsored, only three passed the House, and none became law. Similarly, Luttrell has seen three bills get past the House, with one signed into law. Crenshaw, viewed as a more moderate member, is the most productive ex-SEAL in terms of legislative effectiveness.
For those more aligned with hard-line conservatism, like Crane, the goal appears to be dismantling an irreparably broken system rather than attempting to work collaboratively through traditional legislative processes. Under this lens, the ex-SEALs have been diligent supporters of the MAGA movement, endorsing Trump’s more aggressive initiatives to consolidate executive power.
“I do think it resonates with guys like me who want to change the system,” Crane said regarding Trump's early efforts. “People feel like it’s broken and are willing to take hard stands on things.”
Sheehy epitomizes the merging of the SEAL identity with MAGA, presenting an image reminiscent of Hollywood portrayals of the elite force. During his campaign, he aligned himself with Trump on key issues while adopting a combative style. When challengers questioned claims about his military service, Sheehy labeled them as “never Trumpers.”
Crenshaw stands in contrast, representing a more traditional conservative approach. Since his election in 2019, he has supported Trump publicly while criticizing Republicans who questioned the integrity of the 2020 election.
Despite differences within the group, ex-SEALs maintain a sense of solidarity, holding themselves accountable to their shared experiences and backgrounds.
“There’s always accountability from that pin that we wear on our chests, the training we went through and the wars that we fought together,” Luttrell explained. “I can be like, ‘Hey, bro, I need you to shoot straight on this,’ and the answer is, ‘No problem.’”
McGuire, who was elected last year from Virginia, commented on the camaraderie among the ex-SEALs, emphasizing their supportive nature. “We call, text, ask advice, give advice,” he said. “I’m friends with all of them.”
When I asked Luttrell whether serving in Congress fulfills a similar sense of purpose as his time in the SEALs, he affirmed there is a thrill, albeit different.
“It’s just a different kind,” he said. “But there is success in it.” He recounted a recent heartwarming experience where he notified a young female constituent of her acceptance to the U.S. Naval Academy. “It was the greatest day of her life.”
While this story was moving, I suggested it couldn’t quite compare to the thrill of combat.
“Well, no one has shot at me,” he replied with a chuckle. “Not so far.”
Frederick R Cook for TROIB News
