What Democrats Misunderstand About Joe Rogan

The future of American political engagement is becoming increasingly less about traditional politics.

What Democrats Misunderstand About Joe Rogan
With President-elect Donald Trump smiling and nodding behind him during his victory party on Tuesday evening, UFC president Dana White took the opportunity to express his gratitude. “The Nelk Boys, Adin Ross, Theo Von, Bussin’ with the Boys, and last but not least, the mighty and powerful Joe Rogan,” he said.

For many casual media consumers of a certain age, the only recognizable name might be Joe Rogan. The Daily Beast referred to the statement as “possibly the strangest extension of gratitudes since George Washington was elected in 1789.” However, dismissing these emerging media figures would be shortsighted, especially given their influence in shaping the electorate that supported Trump’s return to the White House.

The Nelk Boys, Ross, Von, and the Barstool Sports duo Will Compton and Taylor Lewan from Bussin’ with the Boys are popular lifestyle podcasters and comedians boasting significant followings on platforms like YouTube and TikTok. Their show clips circulate widely on social media, amassing billions of views. Unlike recognized conservative figures such as Charlie Kirk or Candace Owens, this group rarely engages in political discussions. Instead, their content typically features interviews with fellow comedians, streaming video games, discussions about sports and their dating lives, or simply casual chats. When political topics do arise, they do not always align neatly with conventional ideological views, as demonstrated by the fact that Von and Rogan have also hosted Sen. Bernie Sanders on their programs.

A shared sentiment among them is a natural skepticism toward authority, coupled with a belief that politicians often deceive the public and a keen interest in leveraging anything that enhances their personal brands. This outlook resonates with Trump and his ongoing portrayal as an outsider aiming to “drain the swamp.” Their audience, predominantly young men, often shapes their identities around the influencers they follow.

This model of engagement doesn’t emphasize traditional politics at all. Any political views they express are wrapped in the broader lifestyle content they offer, which appeals strongly to young men. Thus far, Democrats have struggled to counter or replicate this concept, primarily because the challenge is more cultural than political.

As discussions about the 2024 election unfold, liberal commentators and Democrats recognize the difficulties they face with young male voters and have suggested the need for someone akin to a liberal Joe Rogan. At the very least, they argue, Vice President-elect Kamala Harris should have accepted Rogan’s invitation to appear on his podcast.

The idea of establishing a "liberal Rogan" misses the mark about Rogan himself: his appeal extends far beyond political leanings, instead rooted in his anti-establishment credibility and how guests’ appearances on his show can affect their political standing. To address the significant shift of young men aged 18-29 to the right since 2020, as reported by The Associated Press, Democrats must first grasp the underlying issues. It involves politics but also reflects how an influential online culture has shaped young men's self-perceptions.

The shift of young men toward figures like Theo Von may be surprising to some Democrats, but it is not an entirely new development. For decades, conservatives have cultivated an alternative media landscape that thrives on skepticism toward established institutions and mainstream media. This started with talk radio icons such as Rush Limbaugh and evolved through modern figures like Tucker Carlson and Charlie Kirk, both of whom host widely-followed podcasts on Spotify. Liberals have often found it challenging to navigate this media landscape, with Pod Save America being the most recognized progressive podcast, frequently trailing behind Kirk and Carlson in popularity.

Currently, similar to the Republican coalition, the media network built by conservatives is evolving into a broader platform that attracts not just staunch ideological conservatives but also any disaffected young man who resists authority figures embodied by liberal elites across various fields. While Carlson and Kirk rank highly, Rogan consistently occupies the top spot on Spotify. In the absence of strong liberal media figures, he and his podcasting peers reach a more extensive audience of potential political converts by minimizing politics in favor of comedy, gaming, sports, and lifestyle topics. They serve as a significant entry point into political content from figures like Carlson, Kirk, and ultimately Trump.

“They don’t trust The New York Times or CNN,” states Jeremiah Johnson, co-founder of the Center For New Liberalism and author of the substack Infinite Scroll, which examines political discourse in the context of social media. “This goes all the way back to the newsletters that Ron Paul used to send out, the rise of talk radio, cable news like Fox News and their own websites like The Daily Wire and Breitbart. … So I suppose it’s not a surprise that when it comes to social media, they were very willing to copy that product.”

The Trump campaign keenly utilized this landscape to its electoral benefit, leveraging podcast appearances to expand its base and mobilize enough young men — generally the least likely demographic to vote — to head to the polls. Statistically, these voters may not be core Breitbart followers or extreme fans of Carlson, but many do listen to Rogan or Von, who frequently ranks among the top ten on Spotify. The Harris campaign's response in the podcast arena involved engaging with Call Her Daddy, a successful program primarily attracting female audiences, and All The Smoke, a podcast by former NBA players that doesn't appear in Spotify’s Top 50 sports podcasts.

Rogan, Von, and the various creators whom Trump has associated with extend their reach far beyond Spotify. Their work is also immensely popular on YouTube and TikTok, where algorithmic incentives often lead users toward conservative viewpoints. For instance, someone enjoying Von’s comedy might encounter snippets of his Trump interview on TikTok, eventually guiding them toward more pro-Trump material from political commentators like Carlson. Conservative content tends to perform exceptionally well on TikTok.

“[TikTok] prioritizes engagement, not neutrality, so they’re going to favor sensational, polarizing content, and conservative content is really good at that,” says Ioana Literat, a communications professor at Columbia University and co-author of Not Your Parents’ Politics: Understanding Young People’s Political Expression on Social Media. “It’s framed around populism, and anti-establishment sentiments, and cultural nostalgia; all of these things drive really high engagement.”

Gamers, streamers, and podcasters have particularly excelled in reaching a young male audience over the past few years. These creators don’t consistently address voting directly; in fact, they rarely engage in political discussions. Instead, they influence their followers on how to communicate, what to watch, how to exercise, and generally how to live. They are marketing a lifestyle, not traditional political ideology. The former avenues of self-identity — through friendships and blockbuster films and community organizations — are becoming outdated. Now, identity is shaped increasingly through online interactions.

“A lot of people actually form their identities online these days, as opposed to in real life,” notes Johnson. “Now it’s more like, ‘I based my identity on this group that I joined on TikTok when I was 20, and I thought they were really funny, and so then I subscribed to their Patreon and I joined their Discord, and now their whole worldview is my worldview.’”

Trump effectively integrated these figures into his campaign, with the Nelk Boys rallying alongside him and Dana White celebrating their victory. This effectively turned his political messaging into something more lifestyle-oriented, making it relatable for many.

There are few progressive counterparts to this dynamic — perhaps Hasan Piker? — but none on a comparable scale. Additionally, many successful left-oriented lifestyle podcasts feature comedians and influencers who are not particularly supportive of Harris.

The potential for a substantial cultural center-left presence online remains uncertain. However, it is glaringly evident that without acknowledging the underlying issues in their relationship with young men, Democrats will struggle to find solutions.

“[Democrats] have decided certain forms of masculinity are really, really unacceptable,” Johnson observes. “But I think where we went wrong was that liberals and progressives never really articulated an alternative to what we were saying was bad. We never presented an alternative masculinity.”

Mark B Thomas contributed to this report for TROIB News