The Emerging Partisan Split: Old Gen Z vs. Young Gen Z
Gen Z politics is undergoing a radical transformation in real-time.
TroibNews 
New data from Yale’s Youth Poll sparked significant online discussion last week, unveiling a partisan divide within Gen Z. In a hypothetical Democrat versus Republican matchup for 2026, respondents aged 18-21 leaned towards Republicans by nearly 12 points, while those aged 22-29 favored Democrats by about 6 points.
This disparity challenges the long-held belief that younger voters are consistently more liberal. In fact, younger eligible voters today appear more conservative than their older peers. The poll indicates that they are less supportive of transgender athletes competing in sports, less inclined to back aid for Ukraine, and show greater approval for President Donald Trump, with 51 percent of younger Gen Zers viewing him favorably, compared to 46 percent among older Gen Zers.
This split may be surprising, but it reflects a growing realization of two distinct segments within Gen Z, each with a unique political perspective. Since shortly after the 2022 midterm elections, I have been conducting listening sessions—open forums aimed at discovering young people's thoughts on politics—across the nation. My visits to high schools, college campuses, community centers, and homes have revealed clear distinctions between what I refer to as Gen Z 1.0 and Gen Z 2.0.
Gen Z 1.0, comprising older members of the generation, graduated high school and gained independence before the Covid-19 pandemic. Their formative years were marked by Trump’s first term and the emergence of anti-Trump movements advocating for racial justice and gender equity. While platforms like Instagram and Snapchat were popular, TikTok had not yet reached its current level of prominence.
Conversely, Gen Z 2.0 came of age under entirely different circumstances, graduating during or after the pandemic which disrupted their K-12 education. Many began their college experiences via Zoom or in environments that bore little resemblance to pre-pandemic life. The political landscape differed significantly as well, with President Joe Biden in office making Trump and his MAGA movement feel like the counterculture—particularly for young men who shifted notably to the right.
Gender dynamics played a crucial role in shaping the youth vote for 2024. An analysis by Blue Rose Research discovered a 20-point gender gap in support for Democrats among those aged 25 and younger—the largest such divide in any generation to date. “It’s normal to see women supporting Democratic candidates at like a five- to 10-point higher rate than men do,” said Ali Mortell, Blue Rose’s research director. “Among the youngest cohort of Gen Z, it’s north of 20 points. So this is really jarring, and I think, caught the Democratic Party somewhat flat-footed.”
Although this gender gap has garnered significant media attention, it tends to overlook important nuances. While young men propelled Trump’s success in the recent elections, they are not the sole group within Gen Z moving rightward. Despite the prevailing gender gap, Yale's poll underscores that younger women aged 18-21 express more favorable views towards Trump, whereas women aged 22-29 exhibit a net-negative view of him. Notably, young white women are trending more conservative; data from Tufts University’s Center for Information & Research on Civic Learning and Engagement indicates that while women of color ages 18-29 overwhelmingly backed former Vice President Kamala Harris, young white women were split evenly between Harris and Trump, at 49 percent each. This marks a stark increase from 2020, when CIRCLE data revealed young white women favored Biden over Trump by a 15-point margin.
This divergence might be partially attributed to significant shared experiences that differentiate Gen Z 1.0 from 2.0, most notably the pandemic. “We’ve definitely been cognizant that there feels like there’s a change between the kids who got through high school before and after Covid,” remarked Jack Dozier, the 19-year-old deputy director of the Yale survey. “There is a huge variation that came up between just the college-age young adults, and then the young adults who are over 22.”
In my own research, conversations with young Americans in 2022 revealed the pandemic's profound impact. Historically, young people have resisted authority, and for many younger Gen Zers, pandemic restrictions clashed with their youthful aversion to being told what to do. Initially, they expressed frustration over what they viewed as prolonged social distancing measures affecting their college experiences. As one 20-year-old noted during a discussion: “The adults don’t have it all together, and they don’t have my back.” Upon returning to campus, students voiced concerns about the policing of their actions, not just concerning Covid protocols, but also on broader societal issues such as language. Many perceived an intensification of political correctness and cancel culture, which they associated with Democratic control in both politics and popular media.
Earlier this year, I followed up with several Gen Zers regarding their views on cancel culture. Many shared that while accountability for words and actions is crucial, cancel culture potentially limits freedom of speech and may radicalize people with controversial views.
Furthermore, Dozier highlighted how the varying ages of Gen Z 2.0 during Trump’s presidency could contribute to different political perceptions. “In Trump’s first presidency, these 18-year-olds were only nine or 10 years old, at least when the campaign started,” he explained. “We found that there’s a potential causality from the reasoning that these 18- to 21-year-olds just don’t quite remember the impacts of the first Trump presidency, whether that be in global isolationism or in a change in American politics.” Simply put, older Gen Zers had a clearer understanding of the implications of supporting Trump than their younger peers.
News consumption patterns have also undergone a significant transformation. Dozier described the media landscape for Gen Z 1.0 and 2.0 as “a whole different world of media.” Mortell concurred, attributing the rightward movement within Gen Z to what she called a “radical shift in the digital media environment,” noting the rise of TikTok as a prevalent platform.
While TikTok existed during the 2020 election, its popularity has surged significantly over the past five years and has become an essential source of news and politics for younger voters. During my listening sessions, TikTok consistently ranks as the top source for news. An internal review of the platform prior to the 2024 election identified twice as many posts supporting Trump as those backing Biden, indicating a shift in sentiment among young voters.
“Young people are not only consuming digital media content, non-traditional sources at much higher rates than older generations, but they’re increasingly getting their news from non-political, non-traditional sources,” Mortell explained. She added that “we are seeing this very clear relationship between defection away from the Democratic Party and TikTok consumption.”
The rapid rise of TikTok symbolizes the quick and transformative changes experienced by younger members of Gen Z. While every generation has its internal divisions, the distinctions within Gen Z may be among the most pronounced, fostered by unprecedented technological and political transformations. As to whether this rightward shift will persist remains to be seen. For those seeking to understand Gen Z’s politics, it’s essential to discern which segment of the generation they are referencing.
Frederick R Cook for TROIB News
This disparity challenges the long-held belief that younger voters are consistently more liberal. In fact, younger eligible voters today appear more conservative than their older peers. The poll indicates that they are less supportive of transgender athletes competing in sports, less inclined to back aid for Ukraine, and show greater approval for President Donald Trump, with 51 percent of younger Gen Zers viewing him favorably, compared to 46 percent among older Gen Zers.
This split may be surprising, but it reflects a growing realization of two distinct segments within Gen Z, each with a unique political perspective. Since shortly after the 2022 midterm elections, I have been conducting listening sessions—open forums aimed at discovering young people's thoughts on politics—across the nation. My visits to high schools, college campuses, community centers, and homes have revealed clear distinctions between what I refer to as Gen Z 1.0 and Gen Z 2.0.
Gen Z 1.0, comprising older members of the generation, graduated high school and gained independence before the Covid-19 pandemic. Their formative years were marked by Trump’s first term and the emergence of anti-Trump movements advocating for racial justice and gender equity. While platforms like Instagram and Snapchat were popular, TikTok had not yet reached its current level of prominence.
Conversely, Gen Z 2.0 came of age under entirely different circumstances, graduating during or after the pandemic which disrupted their K-12 education. Many began their college experiences via Zoom or in environments that bore little resemblance to pre-pandemic life. The political landscape differed significantly as well, with President Joe Biden in office making Trump and his MAGA movement feel like the counterculture—particularly for young men who shifted notably to the right.
Gender dynamics played a crucial role in shaping the youth vote for 2024. An analysis by Blue Rose Research discovered a 20-point gender gap in support for Democrats among those aged 25 and younger—the largest such divide in any generation to date. “It’s normal to see women supporting Democratic candidates at like a five- to 10-point higher rate than men do,” said Ali Mortell, Blue Rose’s research director. “Among the youngest cohort of Gen Z, it’s north of 20 points. So this is really jarring, and I think, caught the Democratic Party somewhat flat-footed.”
Although this gender gap has garnered significant media attention, it tends to overlook important nuances. While young men propelled Trump’s success in the recent elections, they are not the sole group within Gen Z moving rightward. Despite the prevailing gender gap, Yale's poll underscores that younger women aged 18-21 express more favorable views towards Trump, whereas women aged 22-29 exhibit a net-negative view of him. Notably, young white women are trending more conservative; data from Tufts University’s Center for Information & Research on Civic Learning and Engagement indicates that while women of color ages 18-29 overwhelmingly backed former Vice President Kamala Harris, young white women were split evenly between Harris and Trump, at 49 percent each. This marks a stark increase from 2020, when CIRCLE data revealed young white women favored Biden over Trump by a 15-point margin.
This divergence might be partially attributed to significant shared experiences that differentiate Gen Z 1.0 from 2.0, most notably the pandemic. “We’ve definitely been cognizant that there feels like there’s a change between the kids who got through high school before and after Covid,” remarked Jack Dozier, the 19-year-old deputy director of the Yale survey. “There is a huge variation that came up between just the college-age young adults, and then the young adults who are over 22.”
In my own research, conversations with young Americans in 2022 revealed the pandemic's profound impact. Historically, young people have resisted authority, and for many younger Gen Zers, pandemic restrictions clashed with their youthful aversion to being told what to do. Initially, they expressed frustration over what they viewed as prolonged social distancing measures affecting their college experiences. As one 20-year-old noted during a discussion: “The adults don’t have it all together, and they don’t have my back.” Upon returning to campus, students voiced concerns about the policing of their actions, not just concerning Covid protocols, but also on broader societal issues such as language. Many perceived an intensification of political correctness and cancel culture, which they associated with Democratic control in both politics and popular media.
Earlier this year, I followed up with several Gen Zers regarding their views on cancel culture. Many shared that while accountability for words and actions is crucial, cancel culture potentially limits freedom of speech and may radicalize people with controversial views.
Furthermore, Dozier highlighted how the varying ages of Gen Z 2.0 during Trump’s presidency could contribute to different political perceptions. “In Trump’s first presidency, these 18-year-olds were only nine or 10 years old, at least when the campaign started,” he explained. “We found that there’s a potential causality from the reasoning that these 18- to 21-year-olds just don’t quite remember the impacts of the first Trump presidency, whether that be in global isolationism or in a change in American politics.” Simply put, older Gen Zers had a clearer understanding of the implications of supporting Trump than their younger peers.
News consumption patterns have also undergone a significant transformation. Dozier described the media landscape for Gen Z 1.0 and 2.0 as “a whole different world of media.” Mortell concurred, attributing the rightward movement within Gen Z to what she called a “radical shift in the digital media environment,” noting the rise of TikTok as a prevalent platform.
While TikTok existed during the 2020 election, its popularity has surged significantly over the past five years and has become an essential source of news and politics for younger voters. During my listening sessions, TikTok consistently ranks as the top source for news. An internal review of the platform prior to the 2024 election identified twice as many posts supporting Trump as those backing Biden, indicating a shift in sentiment among young voters.
“Young people are not only consuming digital media content, non-traditional sources at much higher rates than older generations, but they’re increasingly getting their news from non-political, non-traditional sources,” Mortell explained. She added that “we are seeing this very clear relationship between defection away from the Democratic Party and TikTok consumption.”
The rapid rise of TikTok symbolizes the quick and transformative changes experienced by younger members of Gen Z. While every generation has its internal divisions, the distinctions within Gen Z may be among the most pronounced, fostered by unprecedented technological and political transformations. As to whether this rightward shift will persist remains to be seen. For those seeking to understand Gen Z’s politics, it’s essential to discern which segment of the generation they are referencing.
Frederick R Cook for TROIB News
