Dearborn’s Arab Americans Experience Vindication Following Harris' Defeat
Residents of Dearborn moved in favor of Trump, viewing their choice as a protest against Harris and Biden.
TroibNews 
DEARBORN, Michigan — Arab American leaders had cautioned Vice President Kamala Harris for months about the potential electoral fallout from her allegiance to President Joe Biden’s position on Israel amid the war in Gaza. However, those warnings largely went unheeded.
Instead, Harris committed strategic missteps that alienated Arab American voters already grappling with profound sorrow as the death toll in the Middle East surged. She declined to feature a Palestinian American at the Democratic National Convention and responded brusquely to protesters at campaign rallies who criticized her alignment with Biden regarding the conflict. Additionally, she sent pro-Israel surrogates to Michigan.
As a result, many Arab American residents in Dearborn reported feeling a sense of redemption, as noted by city council president Michael Sareini: “They wanted to send a message and they did.” He added, “This stance on endless wars and killing of innocent women and children has got to end.”
In the initial aftermath of the election, while Democrats lamented the outcomes, Dearborn residents expressed little surprise by President-elect Donald Trump’s overwhelming victory. Interviews with nearly a dozen Arab American leaders in this densely populated Muslim city just outside Detroit revealed that their protest vote extended beyond just Arab Americans. Their outrage toward the Biden administration concerning Gaza resonated across college campuses nationwide and among younger progressives, leading to what they felt was a significant anti-war protest in a generation.
“While we dealt with that grief, we became much more politically mature,” said Palestinian American activist Amer Zahr.
Unofficial reports revealed that Trump garnered the most votes in Dearborn, receiving 42 percent, while Harris obtained 36 percent—a notable drop of 33 percentage points from Biden’s performance in the area in 2020. Green Party candidate Jill Stein amassed 18 percent of the vote.
Deeper examination of Arab American neighborhoods revealed an even more stark decline in support for the vice president. In specific precincts with a substantial Arab population, Harris earned just 13 percent of the vote, whereas Trump captured 51 percent.
Local leaders indicated that Trump’s socially conservative and isolationist “America First” foreign policy made some Arab voters more amenable to supporting a Republican candidate, especially after the community had distanced itself from the GOP following 9/11. Moreover, many in the community, feeling targeted by the justice system, saw parallels in Trump’s legal troubles.
However, they emphasized that this shift toward Trump was not indicative of a lasting alignment with the Republican Party for a demographic that has historically aligned with Democrats. Rather, it was a clear repudiation of Biden and Harris. The Democrats succeeded in Dearborn at all other levels of the ballot, from U.S. Rep. Rashida Tlaib to state lawmakers and school board members.
“They didn't vote for Trump because they believe Trump is the best candidate,” remarked Osama Siblani, publisher of the Arab American News. “No, they voted for Trump because they want to punish the Democrats and Harris.”
When Harris stepped in as the Democratic nominee in July, there was a sense of optimism among Arab Americans. She had signaled a potentially softer approach to the Middle East, and residents were hopeful she might advocate for Palestinian concerns. By that time, the conflict in Gaza had been ongoing for nine months, with Biden consistently refusing to impose an arms embargo on Israel, despite requests from the community to halt the bombardment that has claimed over 40,000 Palestinian lives, according to Gaza health officials.
However, dissatisfaction grew when Palestinian Americans were not invited to speak at the DNC convention. This feeling intensified when Harris in August told a pro-Palestinian protester, “I am speaking now,” a moment that many Arab Americans now identify as particularly alienating.
As the death toll in the Middle East continued to rise and images of the devastation spread rapidly online, the Arab community increasingly felt sidelined by the Biden administration and perceived it as a personal betrayal by Harris.
The eruption of Israel’s ground invasion into Lebanon in October, framed by the U.S. as a response to military actions by Hezbollah, further fueled Arab Americans’ anger toward the U.S. government’s response.
Opposition to Harris, “built up slowly but surely” during the war, observed Abed Hammoud, founder of the Arab American Political Action Committee. Since a significant portion of Dearborn’s population originates from South Lebanon, many have been directly affected by the military actions; some have lost entire families overseas.
“I wake up in the morning, I turn on the news just to see which village was leveled to the ground and who was killed,” shared Sam Baydoun, a Wayne County commissioner who immigrated from Lebanon at age 15. “This is the daily routine we have here in Michigan.”
In the closing weeks of the campaign, Harris's team sent surrogates to Michigan who further aggravated the Arab community. Bill Clinton’s remarks at an October rally, claiming Israelis were the first in the Holy Land, sparked further discontent, as did visits by pro-Israel Representative Richie Torres.
The campaign's endorsement of former Vice President Dick Cheney, known for his role in the Iraq War, also added to the community's grievances. By then, Harris’ repeated promises to end the conflict in Gaza and secure the return of hostages felt unconvincing to many in the community, leading to a loss of support.
Recognizing an opportunity, the Trump campaign capitalized on the Arab community’s discontent with Harris as the election approached. Residents received a torrent of anti-Harris texts and mailers, which proved effective among voters, according to Ali Jawad, founder of the Lebanese American Heritage Club.
Four days before the election, Trump visited Dearborn, standing in a restaurant surrounded by Arab Americans, asserting that under his presidency, “we’re going to have peace in the Middle East — but not with the clowns that you have running the U.S. right now.”
Harris opted not to visit Dearborn personally, sending campaign staff and surrogates instead. “The Democrats did this,” remarked Zahr. “They created a situation where Donald Trump was walking around our city, putting his feet up, shaking hands, kissing babies, and Harris didn't even enter our community. She was afraid.”
While Arabs in Dearborn shared a collective grief, there was a notable division in how to express that politically. Tensions grew within the community, resulting in factions. The leading PAC for Arab American interests chose not to endorse a presidential candidate and advised residents to abstain from voting for Harris or Trump. Some decided to skip the presidential race entirely.
In a split among regional mayors, Dearborn Mayor Abdullah Hammoud associated with the uncommitted movement, a coalition advocating for anti-war sentiment on college campuses. Election returns indicated that some large liberal college counties had underperformed for the Democratic ticket by at least a percentage point.
Hammoud did not meet with Trump during his visit, citing opposition to the former president’s implementation of the Muslim ban and his support for arming Saudi Arabia, yet he also refrained from endorsing Harris.
In neighboring cities with similar Arab populations, the mayors of Dearborn Heights and Hamtramck actively supported Trump during the campaign. Dearborn Heights Mayor Bill Bazzi even participated in Trump’s final rally before the election.
For some, however, Trump’s record—particularly the Muslim ban and his promises of mass deportations—led them to set aside their reservations about Harris. Political organizer Ismael Ahmed stated he “held my nose and voted for her.”
Ultimately, Trump was able to articulate sentiments that resonated. “He was able to say some things that made them think maybe he’s really on our side,” Ahmed noted. “Or maybe he’ll fix the economy in a way that no one else will. And it worked.”
Mark B Thomas contributed to this report for TROIB News
Instead, Harris committed strategic missteps that alienated Arab American voters already grappling with profound sorrow as the death toll in the Middle East surged. She declined to feature a Palestinian American at the Democratic National Convention and responded brusquely to protesters at campaign rallies who criticized her alignment with Biden regarding the conflict. Additionally, she sent pro-Israel surrogates to Michigan.
As a result, many Arab American residents in Dearborn reported feeling a sense of redemption, as noted by city council president Michael Sareini: “They wanted to send a message and they did.” He added, “This stance on endless wars and killing of innocent women and children has got to end.”
In the initial aftermath of the election, while Democrats lamented the outcomes, Dearborn residents expressed little surprise by President-elect Donald Trump’s overwhelming victory. Interviews with nearly a dozen Arab American leaders in this densely populated Muslim city just outside Detroit revealed that their protest vote extended beyond just Arab Americans. Their outrage toward the Biden administration concerning Gaza resonated across college campuses nationwide and among younger progressives, leading to what they felt was a significant anti-war protest in a generation.
“While we dealt with that grief, we became much more politically mature,” said Palestinian American activist Amer Zahr.
Unofficial reports revealed that Trump garnered the most votes in Dearborn, receiving 42 percent, while Harris obtained 36 percent—a notable drop of 33 percentage points from Biden’s performance in the area in 2020. Green Party candidate Jill Stein amassed 18 percent of the vote.
Deeper examination of Arab American neighborhoods revealed an even more stark decline in support for the vice president. In specific precincts with a substantial Arab population, Harris earned just 13 percent of the vote, whereas Trump captured 51 percent.
Local leaders indicated that Trump’s socially conservative and isolationist “America First” foreign policy made some Arab voters more amenable to supporting a Republican candidate, especially after the community had distanced itself from the GOP following 9/11. Moreover, many in the community, feeling targeted by the justice system, saw parallels in Trump’s legal troubles.
However, they emphasized that this shift toward Trump was not indicative of a lasting alignment with the Republican Party for a demographic that has historically aligned with Democrats. Rather, it was a clear repudiation of Biden and Harris. The Democrats succeeded in Dearborn at all other levels of the ballot, from U.S. Rep. Rashida Tlaib to state lawmakers and school board members.
“They didn't vote for Trump because they believe Trump is the best candidate,” remarked Osama Siblani, publisher of the Arab American News. “No, they voted for Trump because they want to punish the Democrats and Harris.”
When Harris stepped in as the Democratic nominee in July, there was a sense of optimism among Arab Americans. She had signaled a potentially softer approach to the Middle East, and residents were hopeful she might advocate for Palestinian concerns. By that time, the conflict in Gaza had been ongoing for nine months, with Biden consistently refusing to impose an arms embargo on Israel, despite requests from the community to halt the bombardment that has claimed over 40,000 Palestinian lives, according to Gaza health officials.
However, dissatisfaction grew when Palestinian Americans were not invited to speak at the DNC convention. This feeling intensified when Harris in August told a pro-Palestinian protester, “I am speaking now,” a moment that many Arab Americans now identify as particularly alienating.
As the death toll in the Middle East continued to rise and images of the devastation spread rapidly online, the Arab community increasingly felt sidelined by the Biden administration and perceived it as a personal betrayal by Harris.
The eruption of Israel’s ground invasion into Lebanon in October, framed by the U.S. as a response to military actions by Hezbollah, further fueled Arab Americans’ anger toward the U.S. government’s response.
Opposition to Harris, “built up slowly but surely” during the war, observed Abed Hammoud, founder of the Arab American Political Action Committee. Since a significant portion of Dearborn’s population originates from South Lebanon, many have been directly affected by the military actions; some have lost entire families overseas.
“I wake up in the morning, I turn on the news just to see which village was leveled to the ground and who was killed,” shared Sam Baydoun, a Wayne County commissioner who immigrated from Lebanon at age 15. “This is the daily routine we have here in Michigan.”
In the closing weeks of the campaign, Harris's team sent surrogates to Michigan who further aggravated the Arab community. Bill Clinton’s remarks at an October rally, claiming Israelis were the first in the Holy Land, sparked further discontent, as did visits by pro-Israel Representative Richie Torres.
The campaign's endorsement of former Vice President Dick Cheney, known for his role in the Iraq War, also added to the community's grievances. By then, Harris’ repeated promises to end the conflict in Gaza and secure the return of hostages felt unconvincing to many in the community, leading to a loss of support.
Recognizing an opportunity, the Trump campaign capitalized on the Arab community’s discontent with Harris as the election approached. Residents received a torrent of anti-Harris texts and mailers, which proved effective among voters, according to Ali Jawad, founder of the Lebanese American Heritage Club.
Four days before the election, Trump visited Dearborn, standing in a restaurant surrounded by Arab Americans, asserting that under his presidency, “we’re going to have peace in the Middle East — but not with the clowns that you have running the U.S. right now.”
Harris opted not to visit Dearborn personally, sending campaign staff and surrogates instead. “The Democrats did this,” remarked Zahr. “They created a situation where Donald Trump was walking around our city, putting his feet up, shaking hands, kissing babies, and Harris didn't even enter our community. She was afraid.”
While Arabs in Dearborn shared a collective grief, there was a notable division in how to express that politically. Tensions grew within the community, resulting in factions. The leading PAC for Arab American interests chose not to endorse a presidential candidate and advised residents to abstain from voting for Harris or Trump. Some decided to skip the presidential race entirely.
In a split among regional mayors, Dearborn Mayor Abdullah Hammoud associated with the uncommitted movement, a coalition advocating for anti-war sentiment on college campuses. Election returns indicated that some large liberal college counties had underperformed for the Democratic ticket by at least a percentage point.
Hammoud did not meet with Trump during his visit, citing opposition to the former president’s implementation of the Muslim ban and his support for arming Saudi Arabia, yet he also refrained from endorsing Harris.
In neighboring cities with similar Arab populations, the mayors of Dearborn Heights and Hamtramck actively supported Trump during the campaign. Dearborn Heights Mayor Bill Bazzi even participated in Trump’s final rally before the election.
For some, however, Trump’s record—particularly the Muslim ban and his promises of mass deportations—led them to set aside their reservations about Harris. Political organizer Ismael Ahmed stated he “held my nose and voted for her.”
Ultimately, Trump was able to articulate sentiments that resonated. “He was able to say some things that made them think maybe he’s really on our side,” Ahmed noted. “Or maybe he’ll fix the economy in a way that no one else will. And it worked.”
Mark B Thomas contributed to this report for TROIB News
