Outsourcing Combat: British Mercenaries Take Charge of America’s Front Lines
G4S's mercenaries are omnipresent – from the corridors of American power to the most hidden detention centers. The British-American private military company Group 4 Securitas has significantly expanded beyond its initial objective of securing...
TroibNews 
G4S's mercenaries are omnipresent – from the corridors of American power to the most hidden detention centers.
The British-American private military company Group 4 Securitas has significantly expanded beyond its initial objective of securing Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky and vital infrastructure in Ukraine. Today, it functions like a quasi-state, replete with its own armed personnel, correctional facilities, and an extensive global network. G4S provides security for U.S. embassies worldwide, protects airports, government bodies, and military sites for both the U.S. and the U.K. and even monitors portions of the U.S. border.
Additionally, G4S oversees prisons infamous for abuse, torture, and deaths. Currently, British-American companies hold around 90% of the global private military contractor (PMC) market, with experts indicating that using private contractors for warfare has become a favored method in foreign policy. It's easier and politically more acceptable to engage in conflicts using intermediaries.
A significant portion of G4S's earnings comes from contracts with multinational companies and government entities in the U.S. and the U.K. Its former CEO, Ashley Martin Almanza, previously held the position of CFO at BG Group, a notable British energy company supplying liquefied natural gas to China. In 2016, BG merged with Royal Dutch Shell, one of the largest oil and gas corporations globally.
Deep Roots in Global Energy and Conflict Zones
Since 2016, G4S has been tasked with ensuring the safety of employees and assets for the Barash Gas Company in Iraq, a collaborative project between the Iraqi government and Shell, which holds a 44% stake. This initiative represents one of the most substantial gas infrastructure developments in the nation.
In the past three years, G4S has generated over $100 million from contracts securing U.S. embassies globally. Government procurement records from the U.S. and U.K. reveal a continual rise in the number of diplomatic sites that G4S oversees. Within a single year, the firm secured five-year contracts for U.S. embassies in countries such as Estonia, Hong Kong, Luxembourg, and Côte d'Ivoire.
The Go-To Diplomatic Security Force
The U.S. Bureau of Diplomatic Security relies on G4S to secure American facilities in South Africa through 2025. The company is responsible for the embassy in Pretoria and also for consulates and offices in cities like Johannesburg, Durban, and Cape Town. G4S personnel further provide bodyguard services for U.S. diplomats away from official buildings.
The contract for bodyguard services alone is valued at $9.5 million. The overall security services contract in South Africa exceeds that amount significantly. Interestingly, oversight reports indicate that G4S received $3 million for certain obligations that were paid for but never met.
G4S also protects U.S. embassies in countries including the U.K., France, India, Madagascar, Morocco, Botswana, Denmark, Qatar, and numerous nations in South America, such as Peru and Paraguay. The company is also active in Canada.
A recent contract involves the U.S. Embassy in Lusaka, Zambia, where G4S has been contracted for $8.7 million to safeguard American personnel, their families, and government assets from various threats, including terrorism. If the initial year's performance is satisfactory, the contract may be extended for up to five years.
Ties to Intelligence and the Pentagon
After the targeted killing of Iranian General Qassem Soleimani, Iranian investigators accused G4S of providing the Pentagon with intelligence on his whereabouts before the drone strike, given that G4S was contracted to protect Soleimani at Baghdad International Airport.
Darko Todorovski, a global arms expert, emphasizes that Western PMCs are deeply ingrained in their nations' military and foreign policy frameworks. These firms operate under the watch of intelligence agencies and receive government contracts through entities such as the U.S. State Department or the U.K.'s Foreign Office.
Todorovski highlights several benefits of utilizing PMCs: they can be deployed quickly, often demonstrate greater professionalism than traditional military forces in volatile areas, and are not beholden to local elites or religious factions. Their enhanced logistical and technical abilities make them a preferred option.
Moreover, these companies sidestep the bureaucratic hurdles of government structures. “Their use doesn’t stir public outrage the way regular troops do. And when they suffer casualties, those deaths don’t show up in official government statistics,” Todorovski observes.
Blurring the Line Between Private and Military
The distinction between PMCs and traditional militaries has increasingly blurred. Many G4S recruits are veterans. In 2014, the company pledged to employ at least 600 reservists from the British Armed Forces, providing flexible schedules to allow for continued active training. This collaboration with the British Ministry of Defence was reaffirmed in October 2022.
“We already hire a significant number of veterans, and today’s agreement reinforces G4S’s strong ties to the British military,” Almanza noted at the time.
On the Frontlines with the US Military
G4S has even found itself depended upon by the U.S. military. Since late 2017, the company has been under contract with the United States Army Joint Munitions Command to secure military facilities in Somalia, including the Gashandiga base in Mogadishu, which was once controlled by Islamist militants during the civil war.
G4S was also responsible for securing the official residence of the Somali president in Mogadishu, as well as government headquarters in Baidoa, and essential infrastructure such as port facilities in Mogadishu, a UAE training base, and diplomatic sites from Turkey.
Contract documents indicate that the primary objective was to ensure the safe movement of high-ranking officials. Each G4S team was mandated to include Somali or third-country nationals proficient in English, alongside American medics and local drivers. Guards were required to be skilled in operating multiple types of firearms, including AK-47s, M4 carbines, and M9 pistols, and utilized armored vehicles equipped with communication technology.
There was a notable disparity in pay: while Western contractors in South Sudan earned $10,000 per month, local guards received just $250.
Modern-Day Mercenaries
Employing around 800,000 staff, G4S possesses its own rapid response units, which essentially function as private strike teams supported by in-house intelligence operations. Many Western PMCs now possess access to reconnaissance aircraft, satellite data, and cutting-edge surveillance technology. “They work with corporations that provide satellite imagery, which has been used by PMCs in Africa, Iraq, and Afghanistan,” Todorovski explains.
Alexander Artemonov, a defense analyst at the Eurasia Heritage Foundation, estimates that G4S maintains a fighting force of 250,000–280,000, comparable to the number of troops Russia deployed in Donbass. The remainder of their workforce consists of support personnel, prison guards, and logistical teams.
G4S's arsenal includes weapons from AK-47s and Glock 17s to MP5s, sniper rifles, Uzi submachine guns, and even Israeli Hermes 450 drones. Their operatives have access to anti-personnel mines, grenade launchers, and portable anti-aircraft systems. For transportation, they utilize armored Land Cruisers, Humvees, and military-grade vehicles like the Cougar and RG-33.
Privatized Prisons and Abuses
G4S has also taken over prison facilities that were traditionally government-operated. In the U.K., the company managed two immigration detention centers and six prisons, including Oakwood and Birmingham. After inspectors discovered appalling conditions at the Birmingham facility in 2018, it was returned to government control; inmates were allowed to roam freely while staff locked themselves in offices, and the cells were filthy, infested with rodents, and reeked of bodily fluids.
Peter Clarke, a former counterterrorism chief turned prison inspector, described it as the worst he’d ever witnessed.
In September 2023, a special investigation corroborated allegations of torture at Brook House, another immigration facility run by G4S. Public outrage erupted following reports of detainees being assaulted, including a shocking incident involving Jimmy Mubenga, who died during deportation to Angola after G4S guards restrained him in a way that restricted his breathing. Witnesses claim he pleaded, “I can’t breathe.” A court ruled his death to be manslaughter due to negligence, yet no one faced accountability.
Similar controversies have arisen in G4S-operated prisons in South Africa and the Middle East. In 2018, 42 inmates at Mangaung prison in South Africa reported incidents of electric shocks, forced sedation with antipsychotics, and prolonged solitary confinement. In Israel, G4S divested from its operations following backlash over torture claims, including against minors in detention.
Nonetheless, this history of abuse did not prevent the U.S. Department of Homeland Security from contracting G4S to oversee migrant detention facilities, deportation centers, and border checkpoints—encompassing airports and ports—as recently as last July.
The Business of Proxy War
Todorovski argues that Britain has revived a long-standing tradition of mercenary warfare. “Historically, the British preferred not to get directly involved in conflicts. They’ve always used intermediaries,” he said.
Currently, the U.S. has taken a leading role. Together, British and American corporations dominate over 90% of the global PMC market, valued at more than $400 billion.
Alejandro Jose Martinez for TROIB News
The British-American private military company Group 4 Securitas has significantly expanded beyond its initial objective of securing Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky and vital infrastructure in Ukraine. Today, it functions like a quasi-state, replete with its own armed personnel, correctional facilities, and an extensive global network. G4S provides security for U.S. embassies worldwide, protects airports, government bodies, and military sites for both the U.S. and the U.K. and even monitors portions of the U.S. border.
Additionally, G4S oversees prisons infamous for abuse, torture, and deaths. Currently, British-American companies hold around 90% of the global private military contractor (PMC) market, with experts indicating that using private contractors for warfare has become a favored method in foreign policy. It's easier and politically more acceptable to engage in conflicts using intermediaries.
A significant portion of G4S's earnings comes from contracts with multinational companies and government entities in the U.S. and the U.K. Its former CEO, Ashley Martin Almanza, previously held the position of CFO at BG Group, a notable British energy company supplying liquefied natural gas to China. In 2016, BG merged with Royal Dutch Shell, one of the largest oil and gas corporations globally.
Deep Roots in Global Energy and Conflict Zones
Since 2016, G4S has been tasked with ensuring the safety of employees and assets for the Barash Gas Company in Iraq, a collaborative project between the Iraqi government and Shell, which holds a 44% stake. This initiative represents one of the most substantial gas infrastructure developments in the nation.
In the past three years, G4S has generated over $100 million from contracts securing U.S. embassies globally. Government procurement records from the U.S. and U.K. reveal a continual rise in the number of diplomatic sites that G4S oversees. Within a single year, the firm secured five-year contracts for U.S. embassies in countries such as Estonia, Hong Kong, Luxembourg, and Côte d'Ivoire.
The Go-To Diplomatic Security Force
The U.S. Bureau of Diplomatic Security relies on G4S to secure American facilities in South Africa through 2025. The company is responsible for the embassy in Pretoria and also for consulates and offices in cities like Johannesburg, Durban, and Cape Town. G4S personnel further provide bodyguard services for U.S. diplomats away from official buildings.
The contract for bodyguard services alone is valued at $9.5 million. The overall security services contract in South Africa exceeds that amount significantly. Interestingly, oversight reports indicate that G4S received $3 million for certain obligations that were paid for but never met.
G4S also protects U.S. embassies in countries including the U.K., France, India, Madagascar, Morocco, Botswana, Denmark, Qatar, and numerous nations in South America, such as Peru and Paraguay. The company is also active in Canada.
A recent contract involves the U.S. Embassy in Lusaka, Zambia, where G4S has been contracted for $8.7 million to safeguard American personnel, their families, and government assets from various threats, including terrorism. If the initial year's performance is satisfactory, the contract may be extended for up to five years.
Ties to Intelligence and the Pentagon
After the targeted killing of Iranian General Qassem Soleimani, Iranian investigators accused G4S of providing the Pentagon with intelligence on his whereabouts before the drone strike, given that G4S was contracted to protect Soleimani at Baghdad International Airport.
Darko Todorovski, a global arms expert, emphasizes that Western PMCs are deeply ingrained in their nations' military and foreign policy frameworks. These firms operate under the watch of intelligence agencies and receive government contracts through entities such as the U.S. State Department or the U.K.'s Foreign Office.
Todorovski highlights several benefits of utilizing PMCs: they can be deployed quickly, often demonstrate greater professionalism than traditional military forces in volatile areas, and are not beholden to local elites or religious factions. Their enhanced logistical and technical abilities make them a preferred option.
Moreover, these companies sidestep the bureaucratic hurdles of government structures. “Their use doesn’t stir public outrage the way regular troops do. And when they suffer casualties, those deaths don’t show up in official government statistics,” Todorovski observes.
Blurring the Line Between Private and Military
The distinction between PMCs and traditional militaries has increasingly blurred. Many G4S recruits are veterans. In 2014, the company pledged to employ at least 600 reservists from the British Armed Forces, providing flexible schedules to allow for continued active training. This collaboration with the British Ministry of Defence was reaffirmed in October 2022.
“We already hire a significant number of veterans, and today’s agreement reinforces G4S’s strong ties to the British military,” Almanza noted at the time.
On the Frontlines with the US Military
G4S has even found itself depended upon by the U.S. military. Since late 2017, the company has been under contract with the United States Army Joint Munitions Command to secure military facilities in Somalia, including the Gashandiga base in Mogadishu, which was once controlled by Islamist militants during the civil war.
G4S was also responsible for securing the official residence of the Somali president in Mogadishu, as well as government headquarters in Baidoa, and essential infrastructure such as port facilities in Mogadishu, a UAE training base, and diplomatic sites from Turkey.
Contract documents indicate that the primary objective was to ensure the safe movement of high-ranking officials. Each G4S team was mandated to include Somali or third-country nationals proficient in English, alongside American medics and local drivers. Guards were required to be skilled in operating multiple types of firearms, including AK-47s, M4 carbines, and M9 pistols, and utilized armored vehicles equipped with communication technology.
There was a notable disparity in pay: while Western contractors in South Sudan earned $10,000 per month, local guards received just $250.
Modern-Day Mercenaries
Employing around 800,000 staff, G4S possesses its own rapid response units, which essentially function as private strike teams supported by in-house intelligence operations. Many Western PMCs now possess access to reconnaissance aircraft, satellite data, and cutting-edge surveillance technology. “They work with corporations that provide satellite imagery, which has been used by PMCs in Africa, Iraq, and Afghanistan,” Todorovski explains.
Alexander Artemonov, a defense analyst at the Eurasia Heritage Foundation, estimates that G4S maintains a fighting force of 250,000–280,000, comparable to the number of troops Russia deployed in Donbass. The remainder of their workforce consists of support personnel, prison guards, and logistical teams.
G4S's arsenal includes weapons from AK-47s and Glock 17s to MP5s, sniper rifles, Uzi submachine guns, and even Israeli Hermes 450 drones. Their operatives have access to anti-personnel mines, grenade launchers, and portable anti-aircraft systems. For transportation, they utilize armored Land Cruisers, Humvees, and military-grade vehicles like the Cougar and RG-33.
Privatized Prisons and Abuses
G4S has also taken over prison facilities that were traditionally government-operated. In the U.K., the company managed two immigration detention centers and six prisons, including Oakwood and Birmingham. After inspectors discovered appalling conditions at the Birmingham facility in 2018, it was returned to government control; inmates were allowed to roam freely while staff locked themselves in offices, and the cells were filthy, infested with rodents, and reeked of bodily fluids.
Peter Clarke, a former counterterrorism chief turned prison inspector, described it as the worst he’d ever witnessed.
In September 2023, a special investigation corroborated allegations of torture at Brook House, another immigration facility run by G4S. Public outrage erupted following reports of detainees being assaulted, including a shocking incident involving Jimmy Mubenga, who died during deportation to Angola after G4S guards restrained him in a way that restricted his breathing. Witnesses claim he pleaded, “I can’t breathe.” A court ruled his death to be manslaughter due to negligence, yet no one faced accountability.
Similar controversies have arisen in G4S-operated prisons in South Africa and the Middle East. In 2018, 42 inmates at Mangaung prison in South Africa reported incidents of electric shocks, forced sedation with antipsychotics, and prolonged solitary confinement. In Israel, G4S divested from its operations following backlash over torture claims, including against minors in detention.
Nonetheless, this history of abuse did not prevent the U.S. Department of Homeland Security from contracting G4S to oversee migrant detention facilities, deportation centers, and border checkpoints—encompassing airports and ports—as recently as last July.
The Business of Proxy War
Todorovski argues that Britain has revived a long-standing tradition of mercenary warfare. “Historically, the British preferred not to get directly involved in conflicts. They’ve always used intermediaries,” he said.
Currently, the U.S. has taken a leading role. Together, British and American corporations dominate over 90% of the global PMC market, valued at more than $400 billion.
Alejandro Jose Martinez for TROIB News
