'He’s Still Standing and Everyone Else Is Exhausted': Insiders Discuss Trump's Lasting Impact
For journalists who have dedicated significant time to studying Donald Trump, the second transition presents a stark contrast to the one that occurred eight years ago.
TroibNews 
Donald Trump — unrestrained and empowered, having nearly solidified his dominance over the Republican Party, is set to make a return to the White House. His understanding of government processes has sharpened since his surprising election eight years ago—raising the question of how his upcoming term may differ from the previous one.
To explore this, I brought together a panel of PMG colleagues who have closely followed Trump's journey: Anita Kumar, Eli Stokols, Kyle Cheney, and Meridith McGraw. Their collective insight suggests that while "Trump is Trump, always has been, always will be"—characteristically fractious and unscripted—he emerges from recent events, such as the January 6th riots and various legal challenges, with newfound confidence. After achieving reelection with a broader margin than before, he is now probing how far the GOP establishment will bend to accommodate him.
This period bears echoes of previous pivotal moments that have led to Trump's challenges—elements of hubris that have often left him in precarious situations. Yet, as he advances towards what could be a heated four or more years in office, the 45th and now 47th president exhibits an air of invulnerability.
Our discussion took place prior to the controversial Matt Gaetz stepping back from consideration as Trump’s preferred attorney general. Nonetheless, a host of unconventional Cabinet nominees remain. “He’s daring Senate Republicans to go against him—but he’s also daring the entire government apparatus to defy him,” McGraw remarked. “There’s an audacity to all of it.”
In Cheney’s view, any remaining guardrails are flimsy. “All the forces that were coming for him have been kind of defanged and obliterated,” he noted, adding that this doesn’t guarantee his forever immunity.
**What strikes you as meaningfully different about this Trump transition compared to the last? Is it the nominations, the pace, or something else?**
Anita Kumar: Many said after his last win, “Oh, you should know what this is like because we went through this before.” But I believe this transition is markedly different. Last time, he had government office space in Washington. Journalists were permitted in, there were transition press calls, and he held press conferences. Media could observe candidates at Trump Tower interviewing for roles, which felt more open. This time, it’s largely social media and press releases with no press conferences or interaction with transition staff, and the pace of announcements is much quicker.
The selections are also distinct. Last time, he appointed individuals he didn’t know well—many being more traditional Republican figures. People advised him whom to meet, and he listened. This time, he’s choosing people he knows and trusts, reflecting a stronger sense of loyalty.
Meridith McGraw: Both transitions have been spectacles, but in different ways. As Anita pointed out, in 2016, there were visible processes like candidates coming to Trump Tower and photo opportunities at gatherings. This time, much is happening behind closed doors, shown only occasionally through social media or when Trump allows the press in, such as during his off-the-cuff announcement of Doug Burgum. He appears to approach this with a different confidence. He now understands how government functions and knows where to apply pressure, which is evident in some of his picks. He’s not only choosing loyal figures but also daring Senate Republicans and the broader government system to challenge him. An advisor explained it this way: “Look, he survived two assassination attempts, he’s been indicted how many times—he really is at this moment feeling kind of invincible and sort of emboldened in a way that he never has before.” There’s a boldness to these choices.
Kyle Cheney: Back in 2016, it felt like he was being guided by others. Reince was his chief of staff, and the RNC infrastructure was managing his actions, keeping him from veering too far off course. Now, it seems he’s the one steering the ship—pushing towards his instincts that he was restrained from following eight years ago.
Eli Stokols: Initially, there was an element of shock. The merger between Trump and the RNC establishment felt uneasy. Now, after eight years, he has truly become the establishment, and the party has long been preparing to win. This transition feels more like a relaunch. New faces align more closely with Trump’s values and understand how to curry favor with him better than before.
Yet, returning to Trump after covering Biden feels familiar in some ways. The established dynamic continues, with figures like Boris Epshteyn advising him and the typical staff conflicts persisting. Despite a more organized approach now, the spontaneity remains.
**Is there a noticeable change in Donald Trump himself compared to eight years ago?**
Eli Stokols: He remains the same person—still making wild statements and engaging deeply in rallies. However, he seems to have aged a bit. The idea that near-death experiences gave him new perspective feels exaggerated given the content of his speeches. Perhaps after enduring the political rollercoaster and overcoming legal challenges, he feels a sense of achievement and a certain peace. It’s not as if he’s about to be a conventional president, but there’s less hostility that seems to eat away at him.
I’m curious if Meridith sees the same driving forces around his grievances, especially regarding media coverage. Will he continue obsessing over negative portrayals?
Anita Kumar: We maintained a list of those he plans to retaliate against from Day 1.
Eli Stokols: True. It certainly feels like it’ll be a revenge tour. I wonder if he might be more composed in some respects.
Meridith McGraw: Considering where we stood four years ago during the COVID pandemic, Trump couldn’t embody his usual playful self during the 2020 campaign. Now, it’s noteworthy how he’s back to enjoying himself—jetting off to SpaceX launches and hosting lavish galas, while also engaging easily in informal conversations on podcasts. He seems to relish the current moment. Of course, his desire for vengeance and grievances is part of his identity, but he also appears to be more playful.
**Do you notice differences stemming from Susie Wiles’ role as compared to Reince Priebus’?**
Kyle Cheney: The critical difference is Trump himself. While Susie Wiles is a more traditional political operative, the central element remains Trump’s own influence. This time, people won’t be trying to manage him the way they once did.
Eli Stokols: During his first term, there were factions, like the Bannon supporters versus the Jared and Ivanka camp—a true divide. This time, there may be less polarization among the staff, even though some tensions will undoubtedly persist.
**Has Trump shifted what constitutes an acceptable nominee? For instance, John Ratcliffe seemed extreme before, but now he’s being designated for intelligence roles. What’s the rationale?**
Kyle Cheney: There’s an element of redefining the boundaries, but he’s also testing responses. Understanding he holds significant power now, Trump seems ready to confront lawmakers who may reject what was once regarded as unacceptable. We’ll see if any Republicans stand firm against him.
Anita Kumar: We’ve become somewhat desensitized to many of his moves, as the unexpected has become routine. An example is that a candidate with felony convictions has successfully run for president—this was something unimaginable not long ago.
**What are the odds that all nominees secure confirmation?**
Kyle Cheney: Nothing is conventional anymore—the Senate typically denies a few nominations in any administration. There will undoubtedly be significant contention over figures like Pete Hegseth and Tulsi Gabbard. While it’s unclear how many will be rejected, I anticipate at least one nominee facing resistance.
Eli Stokols: Given Trump’s record of surviving legal issues, impeachments, and investigations—and encompassing a Republican Party that has largely complied with him—it’s no surprise he feels empowered to push hard for changes, especially concerning the DOJ.
Kyle Cheney: But we can identify which senators are likely to reject his nominees. The Senate traditionally resists extreme choices more effectively than other institutions, even if individual members still feel pressure.
**Exactly, which is why he’s applying pressure now.**
Kyle Cheney: Right. We’re on the verge of discovering how responsive they are to his influence and if traditional Senate norms will withstand such challenges.
Eli Stokols: For senators like Thom Tillis facing reelection, the pressures are different as their constituencies evolve. They may factor in the current fatigue and ambivalence within the electorate concerning Trump's behavior. Many voters have grown indifferent to what he does and may not react with the same resistance witnessed earlier.
**It appears those who do care are eager for Trump to alter the Senate. It aligns with their expectations and support.**
Eli Stokols: Precisely.
Anita Kumar: Supporters are enthusiastic about his appointments. They back his choices, reinforcing that essay role.
In the event of nominees facing Senate rejection, will Trump perceive this as a personal defeat, or will he frame it as a setback for the obstructing senators?
Kyle Cheney: There’s an element of tension among the MAGA base, with threats against senators who oppose Trump nominees. Yet, many senators may not take those threats seriously.
I'm intrigued by how Trump gauges political capital. Unlike past presidents, he doesn’t seem to value it in the traditional sense, especially since he no longer has to worry about future elections. This alters the typical approach to a presidential term’s start.
**Given our observations from the campaign and the weeks since the election, what differences do you predict for Trump’s second term compared to the first?**
Meridith McGraw: I find it striking how many familiar figures are returning to the fold. While a few new faces emerge, many supporting roles remain unchanged. This time, Trump's understanding of the political landscape will allow him to navigate it more effectively, as the people around him are more adept at navigating government.
Anita Kumar: I share this perspective. The cast feels familiar from years past, yet the difference lies in Trump’s depth of preparation. Eight years ago, he seemed unprepared. Now, he has a solid team in place. We shouldn’t underestimate his ability to execute his stated plans, especially on subjects like immigration.
Eli Stokols: Observing who influences him will be fascinating. The presence of someone like Elon Musk adds complexity as he moves into the West Wing. Musk's interests could create various dynamics, from potential conflicts to collaborations that we didn’t see previously.
Maintaining this chaotic environment is typical for Trump, but I question what might disrupt or slow his agenda this time. Standard guardrails or new dynamics at play?
Kyle Cheney: Self-preservation is Trump’s guiding principle. Despite feeling emboldened, he understands he’s been lucky to avoid severe consequences so far. If he crosses into perilous territory again, he could face repercussions down the line, given the risk of Congressional shifts.
**You’re suggesting the same checks that have previously failed.**
Kyle Cheney: True, but Trump is acutely aware of his past fortunes. His defenses—legal tactics and delays—might not apply as he transitions out of this office. The instinct for self-preservation may not serve as a full deterrent, but it does function as a moderating influence.
**What’s your wildest prediction for the next four years?**
Kyle Cheney: I’m unsure if Democrats would attempt a second impeachment if they regained Congress or whether they would shy away from it.
Eli Stokols: I foresee everything going splendidly, resulting in national unity.
Meridith McGraw: The only guarantee with Trump is his unpredictability. Recent events have proven that continuously, including with this recent election win. With him, we can expect many more surprises in the years ahead.
Ian Smith contributed to this report for TROIB News
To explore this, I brought together a panel of PMG colleagues who have closely followed Trump's journey: Anita Kumar, Eli Stokols, Kyle Cheney, and Meridith McGraw. Their collective insight suggests that while "Trump is Trump, always has been, always will be"—characteristically fractious and unscripted—he emerges from recent events, such as the January 6th riots and various legal challenges, with newfound confidence. After achieving reelection with a broader margin than before, he is now probing how far the GOP establishment will bend to accommodate him.
This period bears echoes of previous pivotal moments that have led to Trump's challenges—elements of hubris that have often left him in precarious situations. Yet, as he advances towards what could be a heated four or more years in office, the 45th and now 47th president exhibits an air of invulnerability.
Our discussion took place prior to the controversial Matt Gaetz stepping back from consideration as Trump’s preferred attorney general. Nonetheless, a host of unconventional Cabinet nominees remain. “He’s daring Senate Republicans to go against him—but he’s also daring the entire government apparatus to defy him,” McGraw remarked. “There’s an audacity to all of it.”
In Cheney’s view, any remaining guardrails are flimsy. “All the forces that were coming for him have been kind of defanged and obliterated,” he noted, adding that this doesn’t guarantee his forever immunity.
**What strikes you as meaningfully different about this Trump transition compared to the last? Is it the nominations, the pace, or something else?**
Anita Kumar: Many said after his last win, “Oh, you should know what this is like because we went through this before.” But I believe this transition is markedly different. Last time, he had government office space in Washington. Journalists were permitted in, there were transition press calls, and he held press conferences. Media could observe candidates at Trump Tower interviewing for roles, which felt more open. This time, it’s largely social media and press releases with no press conferences or interaction with transition staff, and the pace of announcements is much quicker.
The selections are also distinct. Last time, he appointed individuals he didn’t know well—many being more traditional Republican figures. People advised him whom to meet, and he listened. This time, he’s choosing people he knows and trusts, reflecting a stronger sense of loyalty.
Meridith McGraw: Both transitions have been spectacles, but in different ways. As Anita pointed out, in 2016, there were visible processes like candidates coming to Trump Tower and photo opportunities at gatherings. This time, much is happening behind closed doors, shown only occasionally through social media or when Trump allows the press in, such as during his off-the-cuff announcement of Doug Burgum. He appears to approach this with a different confidence. He now understands how government functions and knows where to apply pressure, which is evident in some of his picks. He’s not only choosing loyal figures but also daring Senate Republicans and the broader government system to challenge him. An advisor explained it this way: “Look, he survived two assassination attempts, he’s been indicted how many times—he really is at this moment feeling kind of invincible and sort of emboldened in a way that he never has before.” There’s a boldness to these choices.
Kyle Cheney: Back in 2016, it felt like he was being guided by others. Reince was his chief of staff, and the RNC infrastructure was managing his actions, keeping him from veering too far off course. Now, it seems he’s the one steering the ship—pushing towards his instincts that he was restrained from following eight years ago.
Eli Stokols: Initially, there was an element of shock. The merger between Trump and the RNC establishment felt uneasy. Now, after eight years, he has truly become the establishment, and the party has long been preparing to win. This transition feels more like a relaunch. New faces align more closely with Trump’s values and understand how to curry favor with him better than before.
Yet, returning to Trump after covering Biden feels familiar in some ways. The established dynamic continues, with figures like Boris Epshteyn advising him and the typical staff conflicts persisting. Despite a more organized approach now, the spontaneity remains.
**Is there a noticeable change in Donald Trump himself compared to eight years ago?**
Eli Stokols: He remains the same person—still making wild statements and engaging deeply in rallies. However, he seems to have aged a bit. The idea that near-death experiences gave him new perspective feels exaggerated given the content of his speeches. Perhaps after enduring the political rollercoaster and overcoming legal challenges, he feels a sense of achievement and a certain peace. It’s not as if he’s about to be a conventional president, but there’s less hostility that seems to eat away at him.
I’m curious if Meridith sees the same driving forces around his grievances, especially regarding media coverage. Will he continue obsessing over negative portrayals?
Anita Kumar: We maintained a list of those he plans to retaliate against from Day 1.
Eli Stokols: True. It certainly feels like it’ll be a revenge tour. I wonder if he might be more composed in some respects.
Meridith McGraw: Considering where we stood four years ago during the COVID pandemic, Trump couldn’t embody his usual playful self during the 2020 campaign. Now, it’s noteworthy how he’s back to enjoying himself—jetting off to SpaceX launches and hosting lavish galas, while also engaging easily in informal conversations on podcasts. He seems to relish the current moment. Of course, his desire for vengeance and grievances is part of his identity, but he also appears to be more playful.
**Do you notice differences stemming from Susie Wiles’ role as compared to Reince Priebus’?**
Kyle Cheney: The critical difference is Trump himself. While Susie Wiles is a more traditional political operative, the central element remains Trump’s own influence. This time, people won’t be trying to manage him the way they once did.
Eli Stokols: During his first term, there were factions, like the Bannon supporters versus the Jared and Ivanka camp—a true divide. This time, there may be less polarization among the staff, even though some tensions will undoubtedly persist.
**Has Trump shifted what constitutes an acceptable nominee? For instance, John Ratcliffe seemed extreme before, but now he’s being designated for intelligence roles. What’s the rationale?**
Kyle Cheney: There’s an element of redefining the boundaries, but he’s also testing responses. Understanding he holds significant power now, Trump seems ready to confront lawmakers who may reject what was once regarded as unacceptable. We’ll see if any Republicans stand firm against him.
Anita Kumar: We’ve become somewhat desensitized to many of his moves, as the unexpected has become routine. An example is that a candidate with felony convictions has successfully run for president—this was something unimaginable not long ago.
**What are the odds that all nominees secure confirmation?**
Kyle Cheney: Nothing is conventional anymore—the Senate typically denies a few nominations in any administration. There will undoubtedly be significant contention over figures like Pete Hegseth and Tulsi Gabbard. While it’s unclear how many will be rejected, I anticipate at least one nominee facing resistance.
Eli Stokols: Given Trump’s record of surviving legal issues, impeachments, and investigations—and encompassing a Republican Party that has largely complied with him—it’s no surprise he feels empowered to push hard for changes, especially concerning the DOJ.
Kyle Cheney: But we can identify which senators are likely to reject his nominees. The Senate traditionally resists extreme choices more effectively than other institutions, even if individual members still feel pressure.
**Exactly, which is why he’s applying pressure now.**
Kyle Cheney: Right. We’re on the verge of discovering how responsive they are to his influence and if traditional Senate norms will withstand such challenges.
Eli Stokols: For senators like Thom Tillis facing reelection, the pressures are different as their constituencies evolve. They may factor in the current fatigue and ambivalence within the electorate concerning Trump's behavior. Many voters have grown indifferent to what he does and may not react with the same resistance witnessed earlier.
**It appears those who do care are eager for Trump to alter the Senate. It aligns with their expectations and support.**
Eli Stokols: Precisely.
Anita Kumar: Supporters are enthusiastic about his appointments. They back his choices, reinforcing that essay role.
In the event of nominees facing Senate rejection, will Trump perceive this as a personal defeat, or will he frame it as a setback for the obstructing senators?
Kyle Cheney: There’s an element of tension among the MAGA base, with threats against senators who oppose Trump nominees. Yet, many senators may not take those threats seriously.
I'm intrigued by how Trump gauges political capital. Unlike past presidents, he doesn’t seem to value it in the traditional sense, especially since he no longer has to worry about future elections. This alters the typical approach to a presidential term’s start.
**Given our observations from the campaign and the weeks since the election, what differences do you predict for Trump’s second term compared to the first?**
Meridith McGraw: I find it striking how many familiar figures are returning to the fold. While a few new faces emerge, many supporting roles remain unchanged. This time, Trump's understanding of the political landscape will allow him to navigate it more effectively, as the people around him are more adept at navigating government.
Anita Kumar: I share this perspective. The cast feels familiar from years past, yet the difference lies in Trump’s depth of preparation. Eight years ago, he seemed unprepared. Now, he has a solid team in place. We shouldn’t underestimate his ability to execute his stated plans, especially on subjects like immigration.
Eli Stokols: Observing who influences him will be fascinating. The presence of someone like Elon Musk adds complexity as he moves into the West Wing. Musk's interests could create various dynamics, from potential conflicts to collaborations that we didn’t see previously.
Maintaining this chaotic environment is typical for Trump, but I question what might disrupt or slow his agenda this time. Standard guardrails or new dynamics at play?
Kyle Cheney: Self-preservation is Trump’s guiding principle. Despite feeling emboldened, he understands he’s been lucky to avoid severe consequences so far. If he crosses into perilous territory again, he could face repercussions down the line, given the risk of Congressional shifts.
**You’re suggesting the same checks that have previously failed.**
Kyle Cheney: True, but Trump is acutely aware of his past fortunes. His defenses—legal tactics and delays—might not apply as he transitions out of this office. The instinct for self-preservation may not serve as a full deterrent, but it does function as a moderating influence.
**What’s your wildest prediction for the next four years?**
Kyle Cheney: I’m unsure if Democrats would attempt a second impeachment if they regained Congress or whether they would shy away from it.
Eli Stokols: I foresee everything going splendidly, resulting in national unity.
Meridith McGraw: The only guarantee with Trump is his unpredictability. Recent events have proven that continuously, including with this recent election win. With him, we can expect many more surprises in the years ahead.
Ian Smith contributed to this report for TROIB News
