Has Biden lost favor with the pundit class and does it have significance?

Friday marked a turning point in the narrative between the influential D.C. crowd and the substantial D.C. sphere. President Biden faced an exodus of pundits, while politicians remained either mum or supportive.

When Biden was planning his first campaign run against then-President Trump in 2017, he sought a prestigious platform for a piece commenting on the Charlottesville, Virginia incidents. His article, titled “‘We Are Living Through a Battle for the Soul of This Nation’”, was picked up by The Atlantic.

Biden, known to be a frequent cable TV viewer with a particular affinity for MSNBC’s “Morning Joe,” watches "as much as possible," according to an individual knowledgeable of his routine. If he's unable, aides keep track of the show and brief him on noteworthy discussions. The affection, it seems, is reciprocal. In March, co-host Joe Scarborough voiced his approval, saying “I think he’s better than he’s ever been — intellectually, analytically.”

Regarding his choice of news sources, Biden biography author Evan Osnos once mentioned that Biden likes "what we would call the classics" — notably, the New York Times. Biden devotes significant attention to the columnists, conveyed through lengthy briefings with Tom Friedman during the Afghanistan withdrawal. Friedman and other Times columnists are frequently invited to off-the-record sessions with the president.

Back during the Obama presidency, while the First Family maintained a comfortable distance from the Washington press corps, Joe and Jill Biden invited them to an annual summer event in the vice president's residence garden. Here, he would engage in playful water gun skirmishes against reporters and their children.

However, following his disastrous Thursday night debate, Biden found himself abandoned by the same TV hosts, columnists, and media outlets who used to support him.

Scarborough, after critiquing his debate performance, stated that now is “the last chance for Democrats to decide whether this man we’ve known and loved for a very long time is up to the task” of seeking reelection. (His wife and co-host Mika Brzezinski did not join him in this stance.)

The Atlantic published multiple pieces urging Biden to step aside. Tom Nichols penned one of them, noting “Biden had one job — don’t look old and befuddled — and he failed,” and that it's time to consider the unthinkable. Franklin Foer, author of a favorable book describing Biden’s initial two years in office, suggested with his piece’s heading that “Someone Needs to Take Biden’s Keys.”

The New York Times also joined the chorus, with a relentless stream of articles throughout Friday, criticizing Biden's debate performance and suggesting Democrats should consider an alternative candidate. Nicholas Kristof, adding his voice to the mix, stated, "I hope he reviews his debate performance Thursday evening and withdraws from the race."

Paul Krugman, an ardent Biden supporter, also joined the chorus of detractors. His headline, "The Best President of My Adult Life Needs to Withdraw," reflected the tone of his piece—highlighting Biden's accomplishments while urging him to step down from the race.

Among those who spoke about Biden’s relationship with the media, the consensus was that Friedman's absence of support would hurt Biden the most. His article portrayed his decision as more mournful than angry. Friedman described how he'd been in a Lisbon hotel room during the debate, how he'd wept, and then proceeded to call on his old friend to retire from the race.

By late Friday, the New York Times editorial board had added their voice, describing Biden as an “admirable president” who was now engaged in a “reckless gamble.” They suggested Biden’s greatest service would be to suspend his re-election campaign—a suggestion mocked by Biden aides on social media.

Cedric Richmond, one of Biden’s campaign co-chairs, responded, “The last time Joe Biden lost the New York Times editorial board's endorsement it turned out pretty well for him.”

Understanding Biden's relationship with the media has always been crucial. According to Foer’s book, Biden both seeks validation from the D.C. opinion setters and uses their consistent rejection of him to fuel his political climb (an aspect he shares with Trump).

New York Times’ Maureen Dowd, who undermined Biden’s first presidential campaign with her reports of his plagiarism, has personally analyzed Biden over the years, despite the tumultuous history. Biden has remained committed to the Times, even if its columnists have now abandoned him.

Dowd delivered her emotional response Saturday morning, asserting, "He’s being selfish. He’s putting himself ahead of the country. He’s surrounded by opportunistic enablers." She clarified that she wasn't speaking about Trump, but Biden.

Biden, unlike Ivy Leaguers Bill Clinton and Barack Obama, never held a unique appeal among the liberal media establishment as his age advanced. In the 2020 primaries, he was not seen as the favored candidate, a sentiment resented by his team. Any media support for Biden following Trump’s return after January 6th has been conditional.

The Times editorial board wrote Friday, “His argument rests largely on the fact that he beat Mr. Trump in 2020. That is no longer a sufficient rationale for why Mr. Biden should be the Democratic nominee this year.” Others who had been initially skeptical rallied against Biden the moment he showed signs of faltering.

The influential hosts of “Pod Save America” podcast responded early Friday with an episode calling for an open debate about the possibility of an open convention. Even Jon Stewart, host of “The Daily Show”—who had faced criticism for mocking Biden’s age—found support for his incisive post-debate commentary.

Biden may not be a major Substack reader, but if he were, he would see former defenders echoing similar dismay: Joe Klein, Andrew Sullivan, and Nate Silver strongly urged him to step down. Similar views permeated the media circles he respects the most, including David Ignatius, The Economist, and The Washington Post editorial board.

The Biden campaign, much like the candidate himself, operates on the chance of winning media approval—despite the looming possibility of betrayal. Their typical response to critique is to state they've faced underestimation before.

Still, some introspective officials worry if their record of defying pundits makes them resistant to heeding any criticism. The common assumption is that Biden's aides will privately bemoan the media frenzy, yet publicly downplay its significance. Potentially, it may not matter.

Biden's endorsement from Clinton and Obama on Friday, a well-received rally speech, minimal shifts in polls, and a notable absence of calls from any Democratic elected officials for Biden to withdraw from the race could all be more significant indicators.

Brzezinski spoke out Saturday morning, indicating she's not ready to abandon the president yet. She said, "I mean if that’s what you all think, that he should drop out, you have not been listening and you have not been watching this life." Adding, “I’m not walking away.”

If you appreciate this type of content, subscribe to POLITICO's Playbook newsletter.