Trump’s Washington and Its Unusual Pairings
MAGA 2.0 has united unexpected allies. However, the initial harmony may be short-lived.
TroibNews 
This Valentine’s Day, the atmosphere in Trumpworld suggests impending breakups — or possibly multiple separations.
In January, celebrations marked the Inauguration festivities, with participants ranging from RFK Jr.’s MAHAmoms to New Right “cruel kids” and the entire Trump family, including exes. The social media posts created a facade of unity, hiding underlying tensions from previous conflicts. However, just weeks after Trump's election victory, issues emerged: Vivek Ramaswamy, the former co-chief of the Department of Government Efficiency, faced exile after a contentious post on X calling for high-skilled immigration, which did not resonate with his limited connection to a different segment of Trump’s supporters.
That initial clash served as a precursor. Despite the public celebrations, the MAGA coalition consists of diverse and often conflicting groups that don't align neatly within any ideological framework. As a result, members frequently find themselves in conflict with one another. The discord extends beyond Trump’s inner circle to the broader Republican Party, particularly in Congress, where Trump's unconventional approach has exacerbated divisions. Personal animosities further complicate relationships, exemplified by Bannon's feud with Elon Musk and the tense early interactions between the Treasury secretary and the likely Commerce secretary.
At PMG Magazine, we decided to take a unique spin on Hallmark’s holiday by identifying the pairs most likely to face significant disagreements in the near future. These rivalries, dubbed “odd couples,” involve individuals compelled to navigate their differences amid bitter ideological and personal conflicts within Trump’s Washington.
This tumultuous dynamic is already in motion, but it’s expected to escalate. Steve Bannon, a pivotal figure in Trump's 2016 success and a key architect of the MAGA movement, has significantly influenced the coalition's nationalist-populist and anti-immigration stances. In different circumstances, he and Trump would be collaborating to strengthen distinct factions within Trump’s base. However, tensions flared upon Bannon’s release from prison, particularly regarding Musk's growing influence. At the beginning of January, Bannon cautioned Musk — a so-called “convert” to MAGA — to refrain from overreaching or face repercussions, stating, “we’re going to rip your face off.” Bannon's criticisms escalated, labeling Musk “truly evil” and predicting his dismissal by Inauguration, yet Musk remains part of the Trump circle. Musk retorted on X, asserting, “Bannon is a great talker, but not a great doer,” questioning Bannon's productivity.
Ideological rifts aren't the sole source of conflict. Trump's disinterest in mediating between competing factions has already resulted in a schism between House Speaker Mike Johnson and Senate Majority Leader John Thune. Both are known for their respectful demeanor and devout faith, but Trump’s influence may compel them to put aside their niceties. They have clashed over strategies to navigate significant agenda items for the Trump administration, with Thune advocating for a two-bill method to separate border, energy, and defense issues from a later tax-related bill — while Johnson prefers a comprehensive approach termed “one big, beautiful bill.” Thune doubts Johnson’s chances of passing such a contentious package, leading to additional tensions that highlight a fundamental divide between traditional relationship-builders like Thune and ambitious newcomers like Johnson who have surged through Trump's favor.
Howard Lutnick, nominated for Commerce, had aspirations for Treasury secretary, a position ultimately awarded to investor Scott Bessent. Lutnick campaigned for the Treasury role while undermining Bessent based on his previous affiliations. A confrontation culminated in a phone call where Bessent told Lutnick he was aware of his machinations and that he could “go fuck” himself. Now, the two must collaborate on multiple Trump initiatives, but past grievances could hinder their cooperation.
Other partnerships may already be strained beyond reconciliation. Michael Anton, previously a national security official, reportedly withdrew from consideration for deputy national security adviser upon learning that Sebastian Gorka had been chosen for that role. Tensions between the two trace back to the first Trump administration, with Anton noting in a publication that their conflict began when Gorka claimed credit for a Trump speech — something Anton corrected at the time. Their relationship soured further during a contentious encounter in a Fox News green room, where Gorka shouted, “No, I’m not gonna shake your hand! How dare you try to shake my hand!” Although Anton has secured a position in the State Department, he may still have to liaise with Gorka on counterterrorism matters.
Brooke Rollins, Trump's pick to lead the Department of Agriculture, previously helmed the America First Policy Institute, which connected Trump with the establishment GOP focused on maintaining pro-business policies. With her new role, she is likely to clash with RFK Jr. and the factions he has brought to the MAGA movement. Many of RFK Jr.’s supporters in the food-reform sector are wary of Rollins due to her pro-Big Ag stance, including support for crated pig pork sales that some states have banned. Rollins will be aided by Kailee Tkacz Buller, USDA’s chief of staff, who has a significant lobbying background, especially in the oilseed industry, raising concerns among health advocates.
In late December, Trump appointed venture capitalist Sriram Krishnan as his AI adviser. His recent appeal to Musk for more lenient immigration policies ignited a rift between factions that oppose all forms of immigration and those advocating for easing restrictions on skilled immigrants, such as those on H1-B visas. While Krishnan's focus lies in AI policy, overlap with immigration issues is likely because tech companies often depend on skilled immigrant labor. This could bring him into conflict with Stephen Miller, a staunch anti-immigration adviser to Trump; however, recent reports suggest Miller may adopt a more lenient stance akin to Trump’s evolving views on H-1B visas.
John Ratcliffe, appointed as CIA chief after serving as director of national intelligence during Trump’s first term, stirred controversy during his confirmation by expressing strong support for Section 702 of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act. In 2020, Tulsi Gabbard, who now leads intelligence but was then a Democratic Congress member, introduced legislation aimed at repealing that section. Despite initial skepticism from some senators regarding Gabbard’s apparent change of heart, she must work with Ratcliffe in utilizing intelligence gathered under FISA.
Lastly, Trump appointed Andrew Ferguson to head the Federal Trade Commission, making him a leading antitrust enforcer. Ferguson’s commitment to easing regulatory pressures on corporate mergers might put him at odds with Gail Slater, nominated to lead the DOJ's antitrust division. While some speculate that Slater will act in Trump’s interests against Big Tech, others expect her to approach matters through a traditional antitrust lens. Ferguson, however, has promised to target social media platforms that censor conservative voices, a long-standing grievance of Trump’s. The two may represent contrasting perspectives on antitrust enforcement within the Trump administration.
For now, everything appears harmonious. As Musk declared recently, “I love @realDonaldTrump as much as a straight man can love another man,” and Trump continues to grant Musk additional authority at DOGE. However, observers remain convinced that this relationship is on the brink of dramatic upheaval. As PMG's Jonathan Martin noted earlier this month, “The Trump Show is a one-man play, and there’s not room for anybody else, least of all somebody wealthier and with a comparable thirst for attention.” While a rift seems inevitable, the unpredictability of the Trump White House might lead to a surprising resolution — potentially a delightfully messy ending for this combustible duo.
Ramin Sohrabi for TROIB News
In January, celebrations marked the Inauguration festivities, with participants ranging from RFK Jr.’s MAHAmoms to New Right “cruel kids” and the entire Trump family, including exes. The social media posts created a facade of unity, hiding underlying tensions from previous conflicts. However, just weeks after Trump's election victory, issues emerged: Vivek Ramaswamy, the former co-chief of the Department of Government Efficiency, faced exile after a contentious post on X calling for high-skilled immigration, which did not resonate with his limited connection to a different segment of Trump’s supporters.
That initial clash served as a precursor. Despite the public celebrations, the MAGA coalition consists of diverse and often conflicting groups that don't align neatly within any ideological framework. As a result, members frequently find themselves in conflict with one another. The discord extends beyond Trump’s inner circle to the broader Republican Party, particularly in Congress, where Trump's unconventional approach has exacerbated divisions. Personal animosities further complicate relationships, exemplified by Bannon's feud with Elon Musk and the tense early interactions between the Treasury secretary and the likely Commerce secretary.
At PMG Magazine, we decided to take a unique spin on Hallmark’s holiday by identifying the pairs most likely to face significant disagreements in the near future. These rivalries, dubbed “odd couples,” involve individuals compelled to navigate their differences amid bitter ideological and personal conflicts within Trump’s Washington.
This tumultuous dynamic is already in motion, but it’s expected to escalate. Steve Bannon, a pivotal figure in Trump's 2016 success and a key architect of the MAGA movement, has significantly influenced the coalition's nationalist-populist and anti-immigration stances. In different circumstances, he and Trump would be collaborating to strengthen distinct factions within Trump’s base. However, tensions flared upon Bannon’s release from prison, particularly regarding Musk's growing influence. At the beginning of January, Bannon cautioned Musk — a so-called “convert” to MAGA — to refrain from overreaching or face repercussions, stating, “we’re going to rip your face off.” Bannon's criticisms escalated, labeling Musk “truly evil” and predicting his dismissal by Inauguration, yet Musk remains part of the Trump circle. Musk retorted on X, asserting, “Bannon is a great talker, but not a great doer,” questioning Bannon's productivity.
Ideological rifts aren't the sole source of conflict. Trump's disinterest in mediating between competing factions has already resulted in a schism between House Speaker Mike Johnson and Senate Majority Leader John Thune. Both are known for their respectful demeanor and devout faith, but Trump’s influence may compel them to put aside their niceties. They have clashed over strategies to navigate significant agenda items for the Trump administration, with Thune advocating for a two-bill method to separate border, energy, and defense issues from a later tax-related bill — while Johnson prefers a comprehensive approach termed “one big, beautiful bill.” Thune doubts Johnson’s chances of passing such a contentious package, leading to additional tensions that highlight a fundamental divide between traditional relationship-builders like Thune and ambitious newcomers like Johnson who have surged through Trump's favor.
Howard Lutnick, nominated for Commerce, had aspirations for Treasury secretary, a position ultimately awarded to investor Scott Bessent. Lutnick campaigned for the Treasury role while undermining Bessent based on his previous affiliations. A confrontation culminated in a phone call where Bessent told Lutnick he was aware of his machinations and that he could “go fuck” himself. Now, the two must collaborate on multiple Trump initiatives, but past grievances could hinder their cooperation.
Other partnerships may already be strained beyond reconciliation. Michael Anton, previously a national security official, reportedly withdrew from consideration for deputy national security adviser upon learning that Sebastian Gorka had been chosen for that role. Tensions between the two trace back to the first Trump administration, with Anton noting in a publication that their conflict began when Gorka claimed credit for a Trump speech — something Anton corrected at the time. Their relationship soured further during a contentious encounter in a Fox News green room, where Gorka shouted, “No, I’m not gonna shake your hand! How dare you try to shake my hand!” Although Anton has secured a position in the State Department, he may still have to liaise with Gorka on counterterrorism matters.
Brooke Rollins, Trump's pick to lead the Department of Agriculture, previously helmed the America First Policy Institute, which connected Trump with the establishment GOP focused on maintaining pro-business policies. With her new role, she is likely to clash with RFK Jr. and the factions he has brought to the MAGA movement. Many of RFK Jr.’s supporters in the food-reform sector are wary of Rollins due to her pro-Big Ag stance, including support for crated pig pork sales that some states have banned. Rollins will be aided by Kailee Tkacz Buller, USDA’s chief of staff, who has a significant lobbying background, especially in the oilseed industry, raising concerns among health advocates.
In late December, Trump appointed venture capitalist Sriram Krishnan as his AI adviser. His recent appeal to Musk for more lenient immigration policies ignited a rift between factions that oppose all forms of immigration and those advocating for easing restrictions on skilled immigrants, such as those on H1-B visas. While Krishnan's focus lies in AI policy, overlap with immigration issues is likely because tech companies often depend on skilled immigrant labor. This could bring him into conflict with Stephen Miller, a staunch anti-immigration adviser to Trump; however, recent reports suggest Miller may adopt a more lenient stance akin to Trump’s evolving views on H-1B visas.
John Ratcliffe, appointed as CIA chief after serving as director of national intelligence during Trump’s first term, stirred controversy during his confirmation by expressing strong support for Section 702 of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act. In 2020, Tulsi Gabbard, who now leads intelligence but was then a Democratic Congress member, introduced legislation aimed at repealing that section. Despite initial skepticism from some senators regarding Gabbard’s apparent change of heart, she must work with Ratcliffe in utilizing intelligence gathered under FISA.
Lastly, Trump appointed Andrew Ferguson to head the Federal Trade Commission, making him a leading antitrust enforcer. Ferguson’s commitment to easing regulatory pressures on corporate mergers might put him at odds with Gail Slater, nominated to lead the DOJ's antitrust division. While some speculate that Slater will act in Trump’s interests against Big Tech, others expect her to approach matters through a traditional antitrust lens. Ferguson, however, has promised to target social media platforms that censor conservative voices, a long-standing grievance of Trump’s. The two may represent contrasting perspectives on antitrust enforcement within the Trump administration.
For now, everything appears harmonious. As Musk declared recently, “I love @realDonaldTrump as much as a straight man can love another man,” and Trump continues to grant Musk additional authority at DOGE. However, observers remain convinced that this relationship is on the brink of dramatic upheaval. As PMG's Jonathan Martin noted earlier this month, “The Trump Show is a one-man play, and there’s not room for anybody else, least of all somebody wealthier and with a comparable thirst for attention.” While a rift seems inevitable, the unpredictability of the Trump White House might lead to a surprising resolution — potentially a delightfully messy ending for this combustible duo.
Ramin Sohrabi for TROIB News
