How Navy SEALs Took Over Congress — Emerging as the Vanguard of the MAGA Movement
A historic number of former Navy SEALs have taken roles on Capitol Hill. Does their involvement in politics conflict with the special forces' principle of operating behind the scenes?
TroibNews 
When Ryan Zinke joined the House of Representatives in 2014 as Montana's junior member, his background set him apart. With three decades of service in the U.S. Navy SEALs, Zinke became the first member of the elite special forces to serve in the House and just the second in Congress. His entrance into Capitol Hill coincided with a time when the SEALs were garnering significant public attention, largely due to SEAL Team Six’s role in the 2011 mission that killed Osama bin Laden, which bolstered the perception of SEALs as elite, lethal operatives. A former offensive lineman for the University of Oregon football team, Zinke appeared well-equipped to embody that image.
“You don’t have to be six-foot-three, 225 pounds and be able to bench 400 pounds,” Zinke joked, “but it helps.”
Since their establishment in the early 1960s, the Navy SEALs have executed some of the most perilous and recognized missions in U.S. military history. A decade after Zinke's initial foray into Washington, the elite unit has made significant inroads into a different battlefield: Congress.
As Congress reconvened in January for its 119th session, Zinke noted six fellow former SEALs among his peers—the highest number to date. These include Reps. Eli Crane of Arizona, Morgan Luttrell and Dan Crenshaw of Texas, Derrick Van Orden of Wisconsin, John McGuire of Virginia, and freshman Sen. Tim Sheehy of Montana. Each of these Republicans has aligned themselves with Donald Trump and the MAGA movement in varying degrees.
While the count is small, with ex-SEALs constituting over 1 percent of Congress, it is disproportionately large compared to the overall SEAL population. Their increasing presence has quietly but significantly influenced Republican politics on Capitol Hill. Interviews with five current ex-SEALs reveal that their rise in numbers aligns with and supports a distinct shift in the style of Republican politics.
In the latter half of the 20th century, Republican lawmakers who entered politics after service in World War II, Korea, and Vietnam nurtured a consensus-based conservatism that thrived until the Republican Revolution of the 1990s. In contrast, the current cohort of ex-SEALs, primarily of fighting age during the Gulf War and the War on Terror, has adopted a more aggressive political demeanor, favoring partisan conflict, legislative standoffs, and a strong alignment with Trump.
This approach is informed by the broader MAGA movement but is also rooted in what several members have labeled the SEALs’ “warrior mentality”: a commitment to doing whatever it takes—short of overtly opposing Trump—to achieve their goals, even if it means defying Republican leadership or deviating from congressional norms. Several of the former SEALs mentioned how their military backgrounds positioned them as effective advocates for this newer, combative Republican style, effectively serving as the MAGA movement’s foot soldiers in Congress.
“From the tea party movement through the Trump movement, people are looking for aggressive and kind of independent anti-establishment voices, and [the SEALs] are a brand that people recognize as brash,” said John Byrnes, strategic director of the right-leaning advocacy group Concerned Veterans for America and a U.S. Marine Corps veteran. “They recognize [them] as fighters.”
Yet the “warrior mentality” has not translated into a particularly productive legislative strategy. Despite their “mission-focused” rhetoric, the former SEALs have not proven to be prolific lawmakers. Their combative approach often mirrors Trump’s confrontational political style, emphasizing disruption over collaboration.
The ex-SEALs' branding has become shorthand for their approach within the GOP. In campaign advertisements and speeches, they often showcase the SEAL trident as a symbol of their alignment with the MAGA movement, portraying themselves as insurgents battling a corrupt establishment of both Democrats and moderate Republicans.
“I don’t see the Republican Party as my chain of command,” Crane, a member of the ultraconservative Freedom Caucus, stated. “I see the Republican Party, in many ways, as a big part of the problem.”
The increasing presence of former SEALs in Congress occurs against a backdrop of declining numbers of military veterans overall on Capitol Hill. Historically, between 1965 and 1975, military experience was prevalent among over 70 percent of congressional members, reflecting the high participation rates of those who lived through World War II and the Korean War. This shared history helped foster bipartisan cooperation during the Cold War, a collaboration that has waned. In the current Congress, less than 19 percent of members are veterans, a trend linked to lower military service rates post-draft and the rise of an all-volunteer force. Today, of the 100 members in the 119th Congress with military backgrounds, 72 are Republicans and 28 are Democrats.
The more recent surge of ex-SEALs is somewhat expected given their longstanding prominence in American culture, aided by a plethora of bestselling books and Hollywood productions celebrating their heroics.
The SEALs' rise as a recognizable brand has fostered a powerful political influence that Republicans have been quick to leverage. During his first campaign in 2014, Zinke founded a Republican-aligned independent political action committee, SEAL PAC, aimed at recruiting and supporting special ops veterans.
“There’s a perception of the SEAL as being the very best and capable warriors, and that perception is easily transferred to a candidate that is running for political office,” Zinke said, who made his return to Congress in 2023 after a tumultuous tenure as Interior Secretary during Trump’s administration. “Americans want to be represented by a winner.”
However, this politicization of the SEAL brand and its growing association with conservatism has created tensions within the broader SEAL community, which still values a tradition of “quiet professionalism” and non-political service. Not all former SEALs in Congress share this approach.
“I’ve never known a SEAL to be that quiet,” Zinke remarked. “Green Berets have traditionally been more quiet, but SEALs? You’ve got books, you’ve got movies, you’ve got calendars” — or, he could have added, campaign buses emblazoned with images of the SEAL Trident. “When people refer to the SEALs as the quiet warriors, maybe I’m just looking at a different SEAL,” he said.
Tensions also exist because not all ex-SEALs align with hardline conservative views. For example, Crenshaw represents a more mainstream Republican perspective and has diverged from conservative hard-liners by endorsing ongoing military assistance to Ukraine.
Despite ideological differences, many ex-SEALs view Congress as another battleground similar to the ones they initially fought in as SEALs.
“The war is over, but guys are still hungry,” said Luttrell. “Our entire lifestyle was built around conflict and protection of our country, so it’s like, ‘Hey, if I can’t be in that elite unit out front, where is there another spot that I can do something special and there’s only 435 of us?’”
Luttrell, representing Texas’ 8th congressional district, recalls being in a 2-mile open-ocean swim at SEAL training camp on September 11, 2001, when a plane struck the north tower of the World Trade Center. By the time he reached dry land, a second plane had hit the south tower. “All the instructors were trying to get out of training details and get back to a team,” he recounted. “They knew, ‘Hey, this is it — we’re going to war.’”
Luttrell’s journey to becoming a SEAL followed a common path from the post-Vietnam era, where many recruits were part of families with military backgrounds. Growing up on a horse ranch in Willis, Texas, in a military family, service was “part of our bone marrow,” he said. He and his twin brother, Marcus, decided to become SEALs after watching a documentary about special operations forces.
Upon joining the Navy, Luttrell entered SEAL boot camp, where Zinke served as one of his instructors in the notoriously rigorous Basic Underwater Demolition/SEALs (BUD/S) training. “He was an animal — I mean, really terrifying,” Luttrell recalled, laughing.
In 2004, after completing his training, Luttrell was deployed to Afghanistan for “precision-driven missions” against high-value targets.
Luttrell's venture into politics started with his twin brother Marcus. In July 2005, Marcus was part of a SEAL team ambushed in Afghanistan, resulting in the deaths of all but Marcus. Two years later, Marcus published a book, "Lone Survivor," detailing the incident, which became a New York Times bestseller and inspired a Hollywood film starring Mark Wahlberg. This narrative catapulted him to national fame, benefiting Morgan with notable political connections in Texas, including appearances alongside Texas Governor Rick Perry during his presidential campaign in 2015.
After medically retiring due to a serious injury sustained in 2009, Morgan sought a new chapter in his life. He served as a senior adviser to Perry at the Department of Energy during the Trump administration, where he reconnected with Zinke.
In 2021, when a House seat opened up, Luttrell contacted Zinke for advice on running. Zinke's initial response was half-joking: “Don’t do it!” Luttrell said. But after he decided to run, Zinke and SEAL PAC endorsed him, as did then-House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy and the Congressional Leadership Fund. That election cycle also saw the victories of fellow ex-SEALs Crane and Van Orden, bringing the total number of ex-SEALs in Congress to five as Zinke won reelection.
The growing presence of former SEALs in Congress continues to fuel discussions within the SEAL community regarding the trade-offs of increased visibility post-2011. The ethos of “quiet professionalism” is a guiding principle for SEAL teams, articulated through the motto, "I do not advertise the nature of my work, nor seek recognition for my action." Yet, since the Bin Laden raid, the SEALs have become the most visible—if not publicity-seeking—among special operations forces. Many ex-SEALs argue that the desire for publicity has replaced the “quiet professional” stereotype.
In 2015, SEAL lieutenant commander Forrest Crowell published a thesis critiquing the rise of this “SEAL counterculture characterized by an increasingly commodified and public persona.” He noted the growing concern about politicians like Zinke utilizing their SEAL backgrounds for partisan causes: “It is difficult to find a picture of him in which there is not a Trident pinned somewhere to his suit,” Crowell noted. He concluded that this commodification and politicization jeopardized the SEALs’ integrity, undermining organizational effectiveness and healthy civil-military relations.
Crowell’s paper stirred significant debate in the ex-SEAL community. It prompted extensive discussions about the organization’s trajectory as America has transitioned beyond the War on Terror. For the current generation of ex-SEAL legislators, questions surrounding their duty to the SEAL community versus their roles as elected officials remain at the forefront.
“You have to find entertainment value in [the SEALs], since my brother wrote a book about it,” Luttrell joked. Yet, he strives to remain discreet about his SEAL past, avoiding displaying memorabilia in his offices. “That chapter in my life was quiet,” he emphasizes. “It’s supposed to be quiet.”
Sheehy, recently elected as the second-ever Navy SEAL senator, believes that adopting the SEAL identity is an unavoidable aspect of political life, regardless of ex-SEALs’ preferences.
“If someone reads about you on the internet and they see that you are a small business owner, a pilot, a father, a farmer, a rancher and a Navy SEAL, the two words they pull out that whole resume are ‘Navy SEAL,’” Sheehy explained. He notably triumphed over Democrat Jon Tester in one of the priciest Senate races for the 2024 cycle.
The SEALs have historically been marked by a sense of fierce independence. Established in 1962, early SEAL teams emerged as the military recognized the changing nature of warfare, prompting the need for more adaptable and stealthy operations rather than conventional engagements.
This ethos has developed into a belief among SEALs that they possess greater operational autonomy than standard military units, allowing them to act independently when necessary.
As ex-SEALs transition into Congress, they bring that spirit of independence with them. Most have aligned themselves with Trump’s MAGA movement, distancing from the traditional Republican establishment. This has prompted some to foster a confrontational relationship with GOP leadership.
“It’s up to each individual [to decide] who they actually think their chain of command is,” Crane stated, highlighting his willingness to oppose established party lines. “I see my chain of command as the voters from Arizona’s second congressional district, so that’s why I’m much more willing to buck the system and take a stand against my own party.”
This attitude has not translated into legislative success. For instance, of the 23 bills Crane has sponsored, merely three have passed the House, with none enacted into law. Luttrell has seen a bit more success, with three bills passing the House and one signed into law. Crenshaw, a more moderate conservative, emerges as the most effective ex-SEAL legislator, having sponsored five bills that passed during his four terms.
For hardline members like Crane, their mission is less about legislating and more focused on dismantling a system they see as fundamentally flawed. Viewed through this lens, these former SEALs have diligently contributed to the MAGA movement, particularly as it relates to supporting Trump’s aggressive measures to consolidate power in the executive branch.
“I do think it resonates with guys like me who want to change the system,” Crane said of Trump's authoritative steps. “People feel like it’s broken and are willing to take hard stands on things.”
Sheehy exemplifies the height of the SEAL-MAGA synthesis: broad-shouldered and reminiscent of Hollywood depictions of SEALs, he campaigned closely with Trump on major issues. When questioned about his claim of sustaining a gunshot wound during service, he countered by labeling his skeptics as “never Trumpers.”
Conversely, Crenshaw represents a more restrained version of the SEAL brand. First elected in 2019, he initially appeared as a younger alternative to Trump but has since vocalized criticism of those challenging the 2020 election results while still supporting the former president.
Despite any underlying tensions, the camaraderie among ex-SEALs remains strong. Those I spoke with noted an intact solidarity, even amid variations in viewpoints regarding policy and strategy.
“There’s always accountability from that pin that we wear on our chests, the training we went through and the wars that we fought together,” Luttrell emphasized. “I can be like, ‘Hey, bro, I need you to shoot straight on this,’ and the answer is, ‘No problem.’”
McGuire, the newest ex-SEAL member elected last year from Virginia, mentioned that his fellow ex-SEAL colleagues have facilitated his adjustment to Congress. “We call, text, ask advice, give advice,” he shared. “I’m friends with all of them.”
When I asked Luttrell if his current service on the Hill was fulfilling the same desire as his time as a SEAL—if political confrontations provided a similar thrill—he replied, “It’s just a different kind. But there is success in it.” He recounted how he had recently contacted a young female constituent to share the news of her acceptance into the U.S. Naval Academy. “It was the greatest day of her life.”
While it was a heartwarming tale, I mused, it likely didn't compare to the adrenaline rush of descending onto a moving boat from a helicopter.
“Well, no one has shot at me,” he chuckled. “Not so far.”
Allen M Lee contributed to this report for TROIB News
“You don’t have to be six-foot-three, 225 pounds and be able to bench 400 pounds,” Zinke joked, “but it helps.”
Since their establishment in the early 1960s, the Navy SEALs have executed some of the most perilous and recognized missions in U.S. military history. A decade after Zinke's initial foray into Washington, the elite unit has made significant inroads into a different battlefield: Congress.
As Congress reconvened in January for its 119th session, Zinke noted six fellow former SEALs among his peers—the highest number to date. These include Reps. Eli Crane of Arizona, Morgan Luttrell and Dan Crenshaw of Texas, Derrick Van Orden of Wisconsin, John McGuire of Virginia, and freshman Sen. Tim Sheehy of Montana. Each of these Republicans has aligned themselves with Donald Trump and the MAGA movement in varying degrees.
While the count is small, with ex-SEALs constituting over 1 percent of Congress, it is disproportionately large compared to the overall SEAL population. Their increasing presence has quietly but significantly influenced Republican politics on Capitol Hill. Interviews with five current ex-SEALs reveal that their rise in numbers aligns with and supports a distinct shift in the style of Republican politics.
In the latter half of the 20th century, Republican lawmakers who entered politics after service in World War II, Korea, and Vietnam nurtured a consensus-based conservatism that thrived until the Republican Revolution of the 1990s. In contrast, the current cohort of ex-SEALs, primarily of fighting age during the Gulf War and the War on Terror, has adopted a more aggressive political demeanor, favoring partisan conflict, legislative standoffs, and a strong alignment with Trump.
This approach is informed by the broader MAGA movement but is also rooted in what several members have labeled the SEALs’ “warrior mentality”: a commitment to doing whatever it takes—short of overtly opposing Trump—to achieve their goals, even if it means defying Republican leadership or deviating from congressional norms. Several of the former SEALs mentioned how their military backgrounds positioned them as effective advocates for this newer, combative Republican style, effectively serving as the MAGA movement’s foot soldiers in Congress.
“From the tea party movement through the Trump movement, people are looking for aggressive and kind of independent anti-establishment voices, and [the SEALs] are a brand that people recognize as brash,” said John Byrnes, strategic director of the right-leaning advocacy group Concerned Veterans for America and a U.S. Marine Corps veteran. “They recognize [them] as fighters.”
Yet the “warrior mentality” has not translated into a particularly productive legislative strategy. Despite their “mission-focused” rhetoric, the former SEALs have not proven to be prolific lawmakers. Their combative approach often mirrors Trump’s confrontational political style, emphasizing disruption over collaboration.
The ex-SEALs' branding has become shorthand for their approach within the GOP. In campaign advertisements and speeches, they often showcase the SEAL trident as a symbol of their alignment with the MAGA movement, portraying themselves as insurgents battling a corrupt establishment of both Democrats and moderate Republicans.
“I don’t see the Republican Party as my chain of command,” Crane, a member of the ultraconservative Freedom Caucus, stated. “I see the Republican Party, in many ways, as a big part of the problem.”
The increasing presence of former SEALs in Congress occurs against a backdrop of declining numbers of military veterans overall on Capitol Hill. Historically, between 1965 and 1975, military experience was prevalent among over 70 percent of congressional members, reflecting the high participation rates of those who lived through World War II and the Korean War. This shared history helped foster bipartisan cooperation during the Cold War, a collaboration that has waned. In the current Congress, less than 19 percent of members are veterans, a trend linked to lower military service rates post-draft and the rise of an all-volunteer force. Today, of the 100 members in the 119th Congress with military backgrounds, 72 are Republicans and 28 are Democrats.
The more recent surge of ex-SEALs is somewhat expected given their longstanding prominence in American culture, aided by a plethora of bestselling books and Hollywood productions celebrating their heroics.
The SEALs' rise as a recognizable brand has fostered a powerful political influence that Republicans have been quick to leverage. During his first campaign in 2014, Zinke founded a Republican-aligned independent political action committee, SEAL PAC, aimed at recruiting and supporting special ops veterans.
“There’s a perception of the SEAL as being the very best and capable warriors, and that perception is easily transferred to a candidate that is running for political office,” Zinke said, who made his return to Congress in 2023 after a tumultuous tenure as Interior Secretary during Trump’s administration. “Americans want to be represented by a winner.”
However, this politicization of the SEAL brand and its growing association with conservatism has created tensions within the broader SEAL community, which still values a tradition of “quiet professionalism” and non-political service. Not all former SEALs in Congress share this approach.
“I’ve never known a SEAL to be that quiet,” Zinke remarked. “Green Berets have traditionally been more quiet, but SEALs? You’ve got books, you’ve got movies, you’ve got calendars” — or, he could have added, campaign buses emblazoned with images of the SEAL Trident. “When people refer to the SEALs as the quiet warriors, maybe I’m just looking at a different SEAL,” he said.
Tensions also exist because not all ex-SEALs align with hardline conservative views. For example, Crenshaw represents a more mainstream Republican perspective and has diverged from conservative hard-liners by endorsing ongoing military assistance to Ukraine.
Despite ideological differences, many ex-SEALs view Congress as another battleground similar to the ones they initially fought in as SEALs.
“The war is over, but guys are still hungry,” said Luttrell. “Our entire lifestyle was built around conflict and protection of our country, so it’s like, ‘Hey, if I can’t be in that elite unit out front, where is there another spot that I can do something special and there’s only 435 of us?’”
Luttrell, representing Texas’ 8th congressional district, recalls being in a 2-mile open-ocean swim at SEAL training camp on September 11, 2001, when a plane struck the north tower of the World Trade Center. By the time he reached dry land, a second plane had hit the south tower. “All the instructors were trying to get out of training details and get back to a team,” he recounted. “They knew, ‘Hey, this is it — we’re going to war.’”
Luttrell’s journey to becoming a SEAL followed a common path from the post-Vietnam era, where many recruits were part of families with military backgrounds. Growing up on a horse ranch in Willis, Texas, in a military family, service was “part of our bone marrow,” he said. He and his twin brother, Marcus, decided to become SEALs after watching a documentary about special operations forces.
Upon joining the Navy, Luttrell entered SEAL boot camp, where Zinke served as one of his instructors in the notoriously rigorous Basic Underwater Demolition/SEALs (BUD/S) training. “He was an animal — I mean, really terrifying,” Luttrell recalled, laughing.
In 2004, after completing his training, Luttrell was deployed to Afghanistan for “precision-driven missions” against high-value targets.
Luttrell's venture into politics started with his twin brother Marcus. In July 2005, Marcus was part of a SEAL team ambushed in Afghanistan, resulting in the deaths of all but Marcus. Two years later, Marcus published a book, "Lone Survivor," detailing the incident, which became a New York Times bestseller and inspired a Hollywood film starring Mark Wahlberg. This narrative catapulted him to national fame, benefiting Morgan with notable political connections in Texas, including appearances alongside Texas Governor Rick Perry during his presidential campaign in 2015.
After medically retiring due to a serious injury sustained in 2009, Morgan sought a new chapter in his life. He served as a senior adviser to Perry at the Department of Energy during the Trump administration, where he reconnected with Zinke.
In 2021, when a House seat opened up, Luttrell contacted Zinke for advice on running. Zinke's initial response was half-joking: “Don’t do it!” Luttrell said. But after he decided to run, Zinke and SEAL PAC endorsed him, as did then-House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy and the Congressional Leadership Fund. That election cycle also saw the victories of fellow ex-SEALs Crane and Van Orden, bringing the total number of ex-SEALs in Congress to five as Zinke won reelection.
The growing presence of former SEALs in Congress continues to fuel discussions within the SEAL community regarding the trade-offs of increased visibility post-2011. The ethos of “quiet professionalism” is a guiding principle for SEAL teams, articulated through the motto, "I do not advertise the nature of my work, nor seek recognition for my action." Yet, since the Bin Laden raid, the SEALs have become the most visible—if not publicity-seeking—among special operations forces. Many ex-SEALs argue that the desire for publicity has replaced the “quiet professional” stereotype.
In 2015, SEAL lieutenant commander Forrest Crowell published a thesis critiquing the rise of this “SEAL counterculture characterized by an increasingly commodified and public persona.” He noted the growing concern about politicians like Zinke utilizing their SEAL backgrounds for partisan causes: “It is difficult to find a picture of him in which there is not a Trident pinned somewhere to his suit,” Crowell noted. He concluded that this commodification and politicization jeopardized the SEALs’ integrity, undermining organizational effectiveness and healthy civil-military relations.
Crowell’s paper stirred significant debate in the ex-SEAL community. It prompted extensive discussions about the organization’s trajectory as America has transitioned beyond the War on Terror. For the current generation of ex-SEAL legislators, questions surrounding their duty to the SEAL community versus their roles as elected officials remain at the forefront.
“You have to find entertainment value in [the SEALs], since my brother wrote a book about it,” Luttrell joked. Yet, he strives to remain discreet about his SEAL past, avoiding displaying memorabilia in his offices. “That chapter in my life was quiet,” he emphasizes. “It’s supposed to be quiet.”
Sheehy, recently elected as the second-ever Navy SEAL senator, believes that adopting the SEAL identity is an unavoidable aspect of political life, regardless of ex-SEALs’ preferences.
“If someone reads about you on the internet and they see that you are a small business owner, a pilot, a father, a farmer, a rancher and a Navy SEAL, the two words they pull out that whole resume are ‘Navy SEAL,’” Sheehy explained. He notably triumphed over Democrat Jon Tester in one of the priciest Senate races for the 2024 cycle.
The SEALs have historically been marked by a sense of fierce independence. Established in 1962, early SEAL teams emerged as the military recognized the changing nature of warfare, prompting the need for more adaptable and stealthy operations rather than conventional engagements.
This ethos has developed into a belief among SEALs that they possess greater operational autonomy than standard military units, allowing them to act independently when necessary.
As ex-SEALs transition into Congress, they bring that spirit of independence with them. Most have aligned themselves with Trump’s MAGA movement, distancing from the traditional Republican establishment. This has prompted some to foster a confrontational relationship with GOP leadership.
“It’s up to each individual [to decide] who they actually think their chain of command is,” Crane stated, highlighting his willingness to oppose established party lines. “I see my chain of command as the voters from Arizona’s second congressional district, so that’s why I’m much more willing to buck the system and take a stand against my own party.”
This attitude has not translated into legislative success. For instance, of the 23 bills Crane has sponsored, merely three have passed the House, with none enacted into law. Luttrell has seen a bit more success, with three bills passing the House and one signed into law. Crenshaw, a more moderate conservative, emerges as the most effective ex-SEAL legislator, having sponsored five bills that passed during his four terms.
For hardline members like Crane, their mission is less about legislating and more focused on dismantling a system they see as fundamentally flawed. Viewed through this lens, these former SEALs have diligently contributed to the MAGA movement, particularly as it relates to supporting Trump’s aggressive measures to consolidate power in the executive branch.
“I do think it resonates with guys like me who want to change the system,” Crane said of Trump's authoritative steps. “People feel like it’s broken and are willing to take hard stands on things.”
Sheehy exemplifies the height of the SEAL-MAGA synthesis: broad-shouldered and reminiscent of Hollywood depictions of SEALs, he campaigned closely with Trump on major issues. When questioned about his claim of sustaining a gunshot wound during service, he countered by labeling his skeptics as “never Trumpers.”
Conversely, Crenshaw represents a more restrained version of the SEAL brand. First elected in 2019, he initially appeared as a younger alternative to Trump but has since vocalized criticism of those challenging the 2020 election results while still supporting the former president.
Despite any underlying tensions, the camaraderie among ex-SEALs remains strong. Those I spoke with noted an intact solidarity, even amid variations in viewpoints regarding policy and strategy.
“There’s always accountability from that pin that we wear on our chests, the training we went through and the wars that we fought together,” Luttrell emphasized. “I can be like, ‘Hey, bro, I need you to shoot straight on this,’ and the answer is, ‘No problem.’”
McGuire, the newest ex-SEAL member elected last year from Virginia, mentioned that his fellow ex-SEAL colleagues have facilitated his adjustment to Congress. “We call, text, ask advice, give advice,” he shared. “I’m friends with all of them.”
When I asked Luttrell if his current service on the Hill was fulfilling the same desire as his time as a SEAL—if political confrontations provided a similar thrill—he replied, “It’s just a different kind. But there is success in it.” He recounted how he had recently contacted a young female constituent to share the news of her acceptance into the U.S. Naval Academy. “It was the greatest day of her life.”
While it was a heartwarming tale, I mused, it likely didn't compare to the adrenaline rush of descending onto a moving boat from a helicopter.
“Well, no one has shot at me,” he chuckled. “Not so far.”
Allen M Lee contributed to this report for TROIB News
