Exploring the House GOP's Challenge in Attracting More Female Candidates
Republican women are expressing frustration over the stagnation of their progress in the chamber, and there is a likelihood that they will experience setbacks in 2025.
TroibNews 
**House GOP Women Still Face Numbers Challenges**
Four years after a surge of elected conservative women transformed the House GOP conference, Republican women have seen their progress stall, with indications that they may experience losses in 2025. Even if they retain control of the House, they are poised to lose all sitting female chairs.
This situation is causing frustration among women in the conference who are eager for a stronger commitment from party leaders, including House Speaker Mike Johnson, who can help elevate their numbers.
Although House Republicans currently have a historic high of 34 women serving—approximately 15 percent of their total conference—the number pales in comparison to the 92 women in the Democratic caucus.
“We are 10 years behind,” said Rep. Lisa McClain, who was elected to Congress in 2020. “We don't have a deep bench of women. We don't have a big pool to choose from. We've got to fix that. And I think our class was the start of that.”
This feeling of frustration emerges alongside the recognition that gender dynamics have become key to the strategies of both presidential campaigns. Democratic nominee Kamala Harris has centered her outreach to women around Republican initiatives to further limit abortion following the overturn of Roe v. Wade in 2022. On the other hand, former President Donald Trump, recently found liable for sexual abuse, has focused his messaging toward men, appearing on male-oriented podcasts to pursue the “bro vote.”
However, this approach could come at a significant cost to Republican women voters as the party grapples with an expanding gender gap. Female GOP lawmakers are increasingly worried that without a robust presence of women in the House, there won't be the necessary voices to address overarching political and cultural matters in the long run.
In discussions with 24 House Republican women, many attribute the struggle to increase their ranks to a fundamental challenge: the demands of Congressional life clash with family responsibilities. Several women believe that the party's emphasis on traditional family structures adds pressures that Democratic women might not experience in the same way. Republican women often face queries like: “What about your family?” “Are your children OK without you?” or “How is your husband doing?”
“People are harder on moms who get involved in politics. I also think, on our side, out in conservative circles, women are more likely to want a traditional family model, where they stay home with their kids. And those critical years, where men tend to get involved in politics, a lot of women are not,” said Rep. Celeste Maloy. “But I support all moms regardless of what career path they choose.”
Democratic women also face their own challenges, but argue that their party has committed much more aggressively to supporting women's advancement. Florida Rep. Lois Frankel, chair of the Democratic Women’s Caucus, challenged GOP assertions that mothers in her party experience less pressure.
“Democratic women are committed to their families as much as Republican women. That, to me, is a no-brainer to say,” she stated. “I disagree with them when they say women are waiting to get older [before running].”
Despite their efforts, the Republican Party has consistently struggled to attract female voters. Since 2008, female voters have favored Democratic presidential candidates by significant margins; 55 percent of women backed Joe Biden in 2020, while 44 percent supported Donald Trump.
Republican women believe that a significant increase in their House representation could trigger a chain reaction leading to more Republican women in the Senate, enhancing their appeal to voters nationwide, and potentially paving the way for a Republican woman to secure their party’s presidential nomination.
Some GOP women see their current progress as evidence supporting this theory: New York Rep. Elise Stefanik, the No. 4 House Republican, was seriously considered as Trump's vice presidential candidate this year.
Still, many House Republican women express frustration about being overlooked for candidacies, citing a persistent boys' club mentality within some local party chapters that favors male candidates over more qualified women.
Some House GOP women are calling for change. Among the most vocal is Rep. Anna Paulina Luna, who has threatened to withhold her vote for GOP leadership unless new provisions are made to enable new mothers to vote remotely, such as through proxy voting. While her proposal does not have widespread support, it reflects a growing discussion on how to improve the representation of women in the party by 2027.
Conservative GOP women assert that the blend of high job demands and family obligations affects them more acutely than their Democratic counterparts. They note a stronger cultural emphasis on prioritizing children over careers—an attitude some align with.
“If you do this job right, and you do it really well, you work a ton, and it isn't super conducive to raising a family. It's just not,” expressed McClain, recounting her limited nights at home while campaigning.
While balancing work and raising young children is universally challenging, serving in Congress introduces unique difficulties. Lawmakers often feel pressured to maintain their family lives within their home districts, yet the job requires extended periods away in Washington.
That said, it’s not impossible. Reps. Cathy McMorris Rodgers, Julia Letlow, Luna, Stefanik, and others have successfully navigated the dual roles of motherhood and public service, serving as examples that challenge the mindset that women cannot manage both.
Stefanik revealed that observing McMorris Rodgers juggle her family and work inspired her “to run as conference chair while I was expecting my child,” suggesting that perceptions regarding motherhood's limitations in politics are “changing over time.”
However, some members argue the issue persists.
“When Laurel Lee called me and she said, ‘I have a [school-aged] daughter, should I do this?’ I was like, ‘I'm the wrong person to call because I wouldn’t have done it,’” noted Rep. Debbie Lesko, referencing a Florida newcomer. “But she chose to do it. And it's working out for her. So, I think, as we get more women, there'll be more examples of: We can do it, too.”
“I think that bleeds over into why there might be less women in Congress,” Lesko added.
Two main initiatives aim to tackle these issues. Luna advocates allowing proxy voting instead of maternity leave, while others are pushing for a broader change in the House schedule that would allow members to alternate two weeks in Washington with two weeks at home, offering more flexibility for family life.
Many GOP women assert that the existing schedule poses challenges and that male counterparts may not fully grasp the need for more time at home.
“When I came in, it was Covid times, and so the schedules were more amenable to families. My kids were in middle school at the time, and it worked really well. Now that we're back to a normal session, the travel is grueling,” said Rep. Nancy Mace. “So one of the things that I've advocated for and would support would be a schedule that's more family-friendly.”
The sentiment was echoed by another lawmaker, who spoke anonymously to share candid opinions: “I think, particularly for male members, they have a different thought process about the need to be home than I do. And the way they set the schedule is difficult.”
**Desire for More Resources**
Stefanik is frequently credited for her substantial efforts in recruiting female candidates through her women-focused Elevate PAC, known as E-PAC, along with various other initiatives at the grassroots level. Nevertheless, many conservative women still feel a lack of resources compared to the Democratic Party.
Only two conservative GOP women candidates are projected to win their House seats in the upcoming elections, while four Republican women—one of whom is a non-voting member—are departing at the end of their terms. Additionally, another four House Republican women face uncertain re-election prospects.
Stefanik believes there is ample interest in potential Congressional service; she estimates that over a thousand women have reached out to her since launching her PAC. She has also raised more than $3 million this cycle to support electing more women.
“When I started E-PAC in 2018, it was because there clearly was a problem. We lost a number of women in that blue-wave year, and we were down to 13 women. … It was clear to me that we needed to do better,” Stefanik said. “I think we can still get above 36 next cycle.”
Other GOP women are also taking individual steps to recruit more female candidates. For instance, Rep. Michelle Steel leads initiatives to attract diverse women in her state after being inspired by former GOP Reps. Mimi Walters and Dana Rohrabacher. Additionally, groups like ViewPAC and Winning for Women are focused on empowering women candidates.
Yet, some GOP women have expressed a need for resources comparable to those provided by Democrats’ Emily’s List, which assists female candidates in running for office.
Emily’s List is known for its thorough and centralized approach in recruiting, funding, and electing women. Rep. Diana Harshbarger remarked that it guides Democrats “step by step how to run a campaign.” However, not everyone within the party agrees on centralizing such efforts. Stefanik has voiced opposition to this idea, advocating instead for building a grassroots pipeline at state and local levels.
There has been a notable improvement in the House's environment regarding gender dynamics, but GOP women continue to perceive a boys' club culture lingering in some local party chapters. They believe this mentality contributes to male candidates being selected over more qualified female candidates.
Rep. Nicole Malliotakis recalled her experience in 2015 when the local party favored Dan Donovan over her in a special election. After initially losing that election, she went on to defeat Donovan in a subsequent race.
Rep. Ann Wagner, who previously focused on recruitment for the National Republican Congressional Committee, reflected on the struggles she faced alongside her female colleagues in supporting Stefanik's first bid for the House in 2014.
“There were some that would have chosen a different candidate, and I think that was the first time that we women really collectively stood up and roared,” Wagner remarked.
Several current GOP women mentioned being encouraged to run for office, often by party leaders or less frequently, outgoing male incumbents. Former Speaker Kevin McCarthy received appreciation for his initiatives to enhance women’s representation. Many express hope that Speaker Johnson will continue this momentum, although they acknowledge it is premature to evaluate his impact as he took office after recruitment had largely concluded.
Still, some GOP women have voiced their longing for McCarthy's proactive efforts in seeking opportunities for women.
“With the McCarthy team, everything was very calculated and planned out. You know, he'd been planning for this for years ... now I just feel kind of underutilized,” one GOP woman said anonymously to share her thoughts. While she recognized that she could have done more to assert herself, she added, “It was just nice to be asked and to be able to get that experience. It can be hard to put yourself out there.”
Many GOP women lawmakers report attempting to recruit candidates within their districts, often with limited success. Lesko, who is retiring, expressed disappointment that she was unable to identify a female successor despite reaching out to several women in Arizona.
“I was hoping that a woman would replace me. I called several women that I knew in Arizona, and they didn't want to do it,” she recounted.
**Democrats vs. Republicans**
There are nearly three times the number of House Democratic women compared to Republican women. GOP lawmakers recognize that part of the disparity derives from how early Democrats began to invest in candidate recruitment.
Nancy Pelosi, the first female House speaker, noted that Democrats were intentional in enhancing their ranks. It was a “decision that we made to recruit, to fund, to train.” Along with an increase in numbers, Democratic women have also assumed more leadership positions than their GOP peers.
“When I came years ago, it was 12 [women] Democrats, 11 Republicans. We've gone up to 94 in this Congress,” Pelosi said, including two non-voting Democratic women currently serving. “And lately, the Republicans have gotten more, but for a while they were really far behind.”
Nevertheless, Republican women argue that Democrats have been less sensitive to accusations of elevating women based on gender alone.
“Nothing is worse than people saying you’re a ‘token’ — that you didn't earn your seat,” said Rep. Claudia Tenney.
Conversely, Republican women are cautious about any potential opportunities being limited by their gender. Some report that practices reflective of former Vice President Mike Pence's so-called “Pence rule” persist, where men avoid one-on-one meetings or meals with women out of respect for their marriages. One GOP woman, speaking anonymously, asserted that such practices are restrictive and proposed exploring other non-gendered solutions.
Another remarked, “I understand where it's coming from, but how else are women supposed to have professional lives as long as men are going out — having dinner and cocktails and playing golf and everything else they're doing — and we're not part of that?”
Frankel emphasized that broader “cultural bias” affects both political parties. She noted that a male hedge fund manager typically has greater financial means than a woman who may have had a teaching career, linking it back to the underlying cause of why Democrats hold more office: greater investment in female candidates.
“A very, very big factor, especially running for higher office and even Congress, is access to money. And traditionally, it is men — because of the professions they are in, the people they know, the people they hang out with — who have the relationships to raise the money that is necessary to win,” Frankel explained.
**Addressing Women’s Issues**
Several GOP women expressed a belief that leaders expect them to act as spokespersons for issues that their male counterparts wish to avoid, such as abortion, leading some to feel pigeonholed.
They noted that recent legislative topics surrounding baby formula affordability, women’s healthcare, in vitro fertilization, and aspects of education often fall into this category, and while they appreciate opportunities to engage, many find it frustrating that they are primarily sought for these specific discussions.
A conservative woman, who requested anonymity, noted, “Every time there's a bill that has to do with sexual assault, rape kit testing, you name it, if it involves a vagina, I'm talking about it in [committee].” While she finds it acceptable, she hopes to be recognized for her contributions in a broader range of topics.
Some women do wish to be leading voices on these issues. Rep. Mace has openly shared her experiences as a rape victim and is vocal about issues like abortion access, the backlog of processing rape kits, and improving access to in vitro fertilization and contraception—positions that can sometimes conflict with party orthodoxy.
The future may look bleak for Republican representation among House committee chairs. Republicans are on the verge of losing all sitting female committee chairs, although other women may secure prominent positions in the next Congress.
Despite the GOP’s public opposition to quotas, many women feel that leadership discussions often prioritize finding a woman to fill a position rather than first considering qualifications for the role.
One frequently referenced case involved the removal of former Rep. Liz Cheney, who held the highest-ranking position for women in the House GOP at that time. The discussions surrounding her replacement involved significant emphasis on gender. Eventually, Stefanik stepped in as Cheney’s successor.
“When we removed Liz Cheney as chair, then it was: ‘We have to replace her with a woman.’ So that's not discrediting Elise Stefanik in her role and what she's done, but immediately the conversation was: She has to be replaced by a woman,” said Boebert. “The qualification was secondary. And she's done a phenomenal job.”
Sophie Wagner contributed to this report for TROIB News
Four years after a surge of elected conservative women transformed the House GOP conference, Republican women have seen their progress stall, with indications that they may experience losses in 2025. Even if they retain control of the House, they are poised to lose all sitting female chairs.
This situation is causing frustration among women in the conference who are eager for a stronger commitment from party leaders, including House Speaker Mike Johnson, who can help elevate their numbers.
Although House Republicans currently have a historic high of 34 women serving—approximately 15 percent of their total conference—the number pales in comparison to the 92 women in the Democratic caucus.
“We are 10 years behind,” said Rep. Lisa McClain, who was elected to Congress in 2020. “We don't have a deep bench of women. We don't have a big pool to choose from. We've got to fix that. And I think our class was the start of that.”
This feeling of frustration emerges alongside the recognition that gender dynamics have become key to the strategies of both presidential campaigns. Democratic nominee Kamala Harris has centered her outreach to women around Republican initiatives to further limit abortion following the overturn of Roe v. Wade in 2022. On the other hand, former President Donald Trump, recently found liable for sexual abuse, has focused his messaging toward men, appearing on male-oriented podcasts to pursue the “bro vote.”
However, this approach could come at a significant cost to Republican women voters as the party grapples with an expanding gender gap. Female GOP lawmakers are increasingly worried that without a robust presence of women in the House, there won't be the necessary voices to address overarching political and cultural matters in the long run.
In discussions with 24 House Republican women, many attribute the struggle to increase their ranks to a fundamental challenge: the demands of Congressional life clash with family responsibilities. Several women believe that the party's emphasis on traditional family structures adds pressures that Democratic women might not experience in the same way. Republican women often face queries like: “What about your family?” “Are your children OK without you?” or “How is your husband doing?”
“People are harder on moms who get involved in politics. I also think, on our side, out in conservative circles, women are more likely to want a traditional family model, where they stay home with their kids. And those critical years, where men tend to get involved in politics, a lot of women are not,” said Rep. Celeste Maloy. “But I support all moms regardless of what career path they choose.”
Democratic women also face their own challenges, but argue that their party has committed much more aggressively to supporting women's advancement. Florida Rep. Lois Frankel, chair of the Democratic Women’s Caucus, challenged GOP assertions that mothers in her party experience less pressure.
“Democratic women are committed to their families as much as Republican women. That, to me, is a no-brainer to say,” she stated. “I disagree with them when they say women are waiting to get older [before running].”
Despite their efforts, the Republican Party has consistently struggled to attract female voters. Since 2008, female voters have favored Democratic presidential candidates by significant margins; 55 percent of women backed Joe Biden in 2020, while 44 percent supported Donald Trump.
Republican women believe that a significant increase in their House representation could trigger a chain reaction leading to more Republican women in the Senate, enhancing their appeal to voters nationwide, and potentially paving the way for a Republican woman to secure their party’s presidential nomination.
Some GOP women see their current progress as evidence supporting this theory: New York Rep. Elise Stefanik, the No. 4 House Republican, was seriously considered as Trump's vice presidential candidate this year.
Still, many House Republican women express frustration about being overlooked for candidacies, citing a persistent boys' club mentality within some local party chapters that favors male candidates over more qualified women.
Some House GOP women are calling for change. Among the most vocal is Rep. Anna Paulina Luna, who has threatened to withhold her vote for GOP leadership unless new provisions are made to enable new mothers to vote remotely, such as through proxy voting. While her proposal does not have widespread support, it reflects a growing discussion on how to improve the representation of women in the party by 2027.
Conservative GOP women assert that the blend of high job demands and family obligations affects them more acutely than their Democratic counterparts. They note a stronger cultural emphasis on prioritizing children over careers—an attitude some align with.
“If you do this job right, and you do it really well, you work a ton, and it isn't super conducive to raising a family. It's just not,” expressed McClain, recounting her limited nights at home while campaigning.
While balancing work and raising young children is universally challenging, serving in Congress introduces unique difficulties. Lawmakers often feel pressured to maintain their family lives within their home districts, yet the job requires extended periods away in Washington.
That said, it’s not impossible. Reps. Cathy McMorris Rodgers, Julia Letlow, Luna, Stefanik, and others have successfully navigated the dual roles of motherhood and public service, serving as examples that challenge the mindset that women cannot manage both.
Stefanik revealed that observing McMorris Rodgers juggle her family and work inspired her “to run as conference chair while I was expecting my child,” suggesting that perceptions regarding motherhood's limitations in politics are “changing over time.”
However, some members argue the issue persists.
“When Laurel Lee called me and she said, ‘I have a [school-aged] daughter, should I do this?’ I was like, ‘I'm the wrong person to call because I wouldn’t have done it,’” noted Rep. Debbie Lesko, referencing a Florida newcomer. “But she chose to do it. And it's working out for her. So, I think, as we get more women, there'll be more examples of: We can do it, too.”
“I think that bleeds over into why there might be less women in Congress,” Lesko added.
Two main initiatives aim to tackle these issues. Luna advocates allowing proxy voting instead of maternity leave, while others are pushing for a broader change in the House schedule that would allow members to alternate two weeks in Washington with two weeks at home, offering more flexibility for family life.
Many GOP women assert that the existing schedule poses challenges and that male counterparts may not fully grasp the need for more time at home.
“When I came in, it was Covid times, and so the schedules were more amenable to families. My kids were in middle school at the time, and it worked really well. Now that we're back to a normal session, the travel is grueling,” said Rep. Nancy Mace. “So one of the things that I've advocated for and would support would be a schedule that's more family-friendly.”
The sentiment was echoed by another lawmaker, who spoke anonymously to share candid opinions: “I think, particularly for male members, they have a different thought process about the need to be home than I do. And the way they set the schedule is difficult.”
**Desire for More Resources**
Stefanik is frequently credited for her substantial efforts in recruiting female candidates through her women-focused Elevate PAC, known as E-PAC, along with various other initiatives at the grassroots level. Nevertheless, many conservative women still feel a lack of resources compared to the Democratic Party.
Only two conservative GOP women candidates are projected to win their House seats in the upcoming elections, while four Republican women—one of whom is a non-voting member—are departing at the end of their terms. Additionally, another four House Republican women face uncertain re-election prospects.
Stefanik believes there is ample interest in potential Congressional service; she estimates that over a thousand women have reached out to her since launching her PAC. She has also raised more than $3 million this cycle to support electing more women.
“When I started E-PAC in 2018, it was because there clearly was a problem. We lost a number of women in that blue-wave year, and we were down to 13 women. … It was clear to me that we needed to do better,” Stefanik said. “I think we can still get above 36 next cycle.”
Other GOP women are also taking individual steps to recruit more female candidates. For instance, Rep. Michelle Steel leads initiatives to attract diverse women in her state after being inspired by former GOP Reps. Mimi Walters and Dana Rohrabacher. Additionally, groups like ViewPAC and Winning for Women are focused on empowering women candidates.
Yet, some GOP women have expressed a need for resources comparable to those provided by Democrats’ Emily’s List, which assists female candidates in running for office.
Emily’s List is known for its thorough and centralized approach in recruiting, funding, and electing women. Rep. Diana Harshbarger remarked that it guides Democrats “step by step how to run a campaign.” However, not everyone within the party agrees on centralizing such efforts. Stefanik has voiced opposition to this idea, advocating instead for building a grassroots pipeline at state and local levels.
There has been a notable improvement in the House's environment regarding gender dynamics, but GOP women continue to perceive a boys' club culture lingering in some local party chapters. They believe this mentality contributes to male candidates being selected over more qualified female candidates.
Rep. Nicole Malliotakis recalled her experience in 2015 when the local party favored Dan Donovan over her in a special election. After initially losing that election, she went on to defeat Donovan in a subsequent race.
Rep. Ann Wagner, who previously focused on recruitment for the National Republican Congressional Committee, reflected on the struggles she faced alongside her female colleagues in supporting Stefanik's first bid for the House in 2014.
“There were some that would have chosen a different candidate, and I think that was the first time that we women really collectively stood up and roared,” Wagner remarked.
Several current GOP women mentioned being encouraged to run for office, often by party leaders or less frequently, outgoing male incumbents. Former Speaker Kevin McCarthy received appreciation for his initiatives to enhance women’s representation. Many express hope that Speaker Johnson will continue this momentum, although they acknowledge it is premature to evaluate his impact as he took office after recruitment had largely concluded.
Still, some GOP women have voiced their longing for McCarthy's proactive efforts in seeking opportunities for women.
“With the McCarthy team, everything was very calculated and planned out. You know, he'd been planning for this for years ... now I just feel kind of underutilized,” one GOP woman said anonymously to share her thoughts. While she recognized that she could have done more to assert herself, she added, “It was just nice to be asked and to be able to get that experience. It can be hard to put yourself out there.”
Many GOP women lawmakers report attempting to recruit candidates within their districts, often with limited success. Lesko, who is retiring, expressed disappointment that she was unable to identify a female successor despite reaching out to several women in Arizona.
“I was hoping that a woman would replace me. I called several women that I knew in Arizona, and they didn't want to do it,” she recounted.
**Democrats vs. Republicans**
There are nearly three times the number of House Democratic women compared to Republican women. GOP lawmakers recognize that part of the disparity derives from how early Democrats began to invest in candidate recruitment.
Nancy Pelosi, the first female House speaker, noted that Democrats were intentional in enhancing their ranks. It was a “decision that we made to recruit, to fund, to train.” Along with an increase in numbers, Democratic women have also assumed more leadership positions than their GOP peers.
“When I came years ago, it was 12 [women] Democrats, 11 Republicans. We've gone up to 94 in this Congress,” Pelosi said, including two non-voting Democratic women currently serving. “And lately, the Republicans have gotten more, but for a while they were really far behind.”
Nevertheless, Republican women argue that Democrats have been less sensitive to accusations of elevating women based on gender alone.
“Nothing is worse than people saying you’re a ‘token’ — that you didn't earn your seat,” said Rep. Claudia Tenney.
Conversely, Republican women are cautious about any potential opportunities being limited by their gender. Some report that practices reflective of former Vice President Mike Pence's so-called “Pence rule” persist, where men avoid one-on-one meetings or meals with women out of respect for their marriages. One GOP woman, speaking anonymously, asserted that such practices are restrictive and proposed exploring other non-gendered solutions.
Another remarked, “I understand where it's coming from, but how else are women supposed to have professional lives as long as men are going out — having dinner and cocktails and playing golf and everything else they're doing — and we're not part of that?”
Frankel emphasized that broader “cultural bias” affects both political parties. She noted that a male hedge fund manager typically has greater financial means than a woman who may have had a teaching career, linking it back to the underlying cause of why Democrats hold more office: greater investment in female candidates.
“A very, very big factor, especially running for higher office and even Congress, is access to money. And traditionally, it is men — because of the professions they are in, the people they know, the people they hang out with — who have the relationships to raise the money that is necessary to win,” Frankel explained.
**Addressing Women’s Issues**
Several GOP women expressed a belief that leaders expect them to act as spokespersons for issues that their male counterparts wish to avoid, such as abortion, leading some to feel pigeonholed.
They noted that recent legislative topics surrounding baby formula affordability, women’s healthcare, in vitro fertilization, and aspects of education often fall into this category, and while they appreciate opportunities to engage, many find it frustrating that they are primarily sought for these specific discussions.
A conservative woman, who requested anonymity, noted, “Every time there's a bill that has to do with sexual assault, rape kit testing, you name it, if it involves a vagina, I'm talking about it in [committee].” While she finds it acceptable, she hopes to be recognized for her contributions in a broader range of topics.
Some women do wish to be leading voices on these issues. Rep. Mace has openly shared her experiences as a rape victim and is vocal about issues like abortion access, the backlog of processing rape kits, and improving access to in vitro fertilization and contraception—positions that can sometimes conflict with party orthodoxy.
The future may look bleak for Republican representation among House committee chairs. Republicans are on the verge of losing all sitting female committee chairs, although other women may secure prominent positions in the next Congress.
Despite the GOP’s public opposition to quotas, many women feel that leadership discussions often prioritize finding a woman to fill a position rather than first considering qualifications for the role.
One frequently referenced case involved the removal of former Rep. Liz Cheney, who held the highest-ranking position for women in the House GOP at that time. The discussions surrounding her replacement involved significant emphasis on gender. Eventually, Stefanik stepped in as Cheney’s successor.
“When we removed Liz Cheney as chair, then it was: ‘We have to replace her with a woman.’ So that's not discrediting Elise Stefanik in her role and what she's done, but immediately the conversation was: She has to be replaced by a woman,” said Boebert. “The qualification was secondary. And she's done a phenomenal job.”
Sophie Wagner contributed to this report for TROIB News
