Trump’s Influence Over the Party is Now Undeniable
Following Tuesday's spending vote, the president overcame several of his last adversaries within the GOP.

Fast-forward to Tuesday: Many of those same hard-liners not only supported a GOP speaker’s CR — this one lasting six months — but the House Freedom Caucus, previously staunchly opposed to such measures, even endorsed it, with many members voting in favor of a funding extension for the first time.
For those of us covering Hill Republicans for years, witnessing these developments feels like a complete reversal of expectations.
The sole explanation for this surprising shift in the Capitol is President Donald Trump.
Seven weeks into his second term, Trump is reshaping GOP orthodoxy in ways that are hard to follow. He has disrupted Republicans' traditional stance of muscular globalism in favor of an “America First” approach, marginalizing an entire wing of the party. Additionally, he has embraced protectionist economic policies that have long been rejected by Republicans, managing to persuade previous advocates for free markets to consider his strategies as savvy negotiations.
The changes on the House floor have been particularly notable. With little fanfare, he has managed to persuade even the most skeptical Republicans to support a spending deal partly negotiated by Joe Biden and Chuck Schumer, compelling them to accept the kind of long-term arrangements that both fiscal conservatives and defense advocates have criticized for years.
The message is clear: It’s Trump’s party, and he directs the agenda.
"Normally I wouldn’t support the CR because I think it shows Congress is not doing our jobs,” noted conservative Rep. Eric Burlison in comments to ABC News. But this time? “Trump is behind it.”
Trump didn’t leave conservatives empty-handed. Many received time to speak with the president or his team, including Burlison, who commended Trump and his staff for addressing his concerns before he aligned with the decision.
In a conversation with Rep. Tim Burchett, one of the eight Republicans who ousted McCarthy, he referenced a document to highlight that the current bill cuts $7 billion in spending compared to the previous year.
When I pointed out that this was minuscule compared to the $1.6 trillion in discretionary spending lawmakers would be extending, he sighed and acknowledged this.
“That’s not a lot of money, but it’s a start,” he commented.
So, if not the $7 billion, what drove his support? Take a wild guess.
“He’s never lied to me,” Burchett said when discussing Trump, recalling a conversation where the president assured him he would continue pursuing cost-cutting measures through his Department of Government Efficiency initiative.
On Tuesday, there were plenty of surreal moments around the House. House Freedom Caucus Chair Andy Harris attended a leadership news conference and declared he was “100 percent behind this continuing resolution” — an endorsement from the head of a group known for opposing GOP leaders’ spending agreements.
“This is not your grandfather’s continuing resolution,” Harris remarked, highlighting provisions that would fund deportations, defense, and veterans, while permitting the DOGE to eliminate wasteful spending.
It didn’t stop there. On the same day, Republicans nearly unanimously approved a discreet provision within the rules setting up the final floor vote on the spending bill. This provision effectively stripped their own authority to challenge Trump’s emergency tariffs — tariffs that many of them had long criticized and which were causing significant downturns in U.S. financial markets.
Republicans contended that the move aimed at Democrats, who had proposed privileged resolutions to end Trump’s emergency declarations, preventing them from commandeering the floor for votes that could put swing district Republicans in a difficult position.
However, by restricting Democrats, Republicans also willingly limited their own power, as Rep. Jim McGovern pointed out on the floor.
“They slipped in a little clause letting them escape ever having to debate or vote on Trump’s tariffs,” McGovern noted. “Isn’t that clever?”
Reflecting on the Republican National Convention last July, I recalled asking Speaker Mike Johnson how he, as a self-professed free trader, could condone Trump’s tariff threats. At that time, the Louisiana Republican suggested that Trump’s threats were merely a “trial balloon” intended to provoke debate.
“I don't think that's President Trump's plan,” he asserted back then, promising “a lot of thoughtful discussion” and a “vigorous debate that we'll all have” regarding trade policy.
Some debate: Other than McGovern’s remarks, the tariff provision barely received attention on the floor Tuesday before it was passed by Republicans. Earlier that day, Johnson stood by Trump’s economic policy in comments to reporters, asserting that the tariffs are essential to “start the process of repairing and restoring the economy.”
“You got to give it time,” he maintained.
It’s only been about 50 days since Trump began his second term, but one thing is clear: Power is shifting in only one direction. Someday, congressional Republicans may come to grips with the reality that it’s unlikely to return.
Max Fischer for TROIB News