I Experienced Being a Student Journalist at Columbia. Here's What to Understand About Mahmoud Khalil.
Here’s essential background on the Palestinian activist who was detained by ICE.
TroibNews 
Last year, I was a student at Columbia University, where I reported on tense campus protests regarding the Israel-Hamas war for the college newspaper and for PMG. This experience gave me insight into Mahmoud Khalil, a former Columbia student I’ve spoken with before, who appears to be the first target of the Trump administration’s initiative to clamp down on student protesters.
Despite holding a green card as a permanent resident, Khalil was apprehended by Immigration and Customs Enforcement on Saturday for leading activities “aligned to Hamas.” This arrest has sparked outcry from fellow activists, free speech organizations, and a number of Democrats. Currently, a judge has halted the Palestinian activist’s deportation, but much about his future remains in doubt.
Here’s what we understand about Khalil, the student protests, and the atmosphere at Columbia.
1. What was Mahmoud Khalil’s role in Columbia’s student protests? What was his immigration status during those events? Khalil served as a key negotiator representing the student protesters to the Columbia administration during the “Gaza Solidarity Encampment” last spring. The group behind this initiative, Columbia University Apartheid Divest (CUAD), demanded that the university completely sever its ties with Israel, including divesting and stopping plans to establish a “global center” in Tel Aviv, while also seeking amnesty for the protesters. Throughout this political turmoil, Khalil and university officials, including at least two deans, participated in continuous negotiations, although they never reached a consensus.
Hailing from Palestine and raised in Syria, Khalil was in the U.S. on an F-1 student visa as a graduate student in Columbia’s School of International and Public Affairs during the protests in April 2024, according to Al Jazeera. His role as a negotiator made him more visible compared to other protesters who were cautious about exposing their identities. In May, he expressed concern to Al Jazeera that facing disciplinary action from the university could jeopardize his student visa.
2. Was deportation a widespread concern among immigrant students participating in the protests? Absolutely. During the encampment, two international student friends confided in me that they wished to join but were afraid of losing their visas. There was also a similar apprehension among low-income students who wanted to avoid jeopardizing their scholarships or losing on-campus housing. Many chose alternative forms of participation, such as sharing pro-Palestinian content on social media or delivering food and supplies to the encampment.
At Barnard College, for instance, students suspended for protesting faced immediate eviction from their dormitories, raising significant fears. The disparity in circumstances is stark between those who have nearby family or robust support systems and those who might find themselves on the streets of Manhattan because their relatives reside abroad.
After the initial mass arrests, the New York Post published a front-page article highlighting that many of the arrested student protesters were from privileged backgrounds. This aspect reflects Columbia’s profile—where the annual cost of attendance exceeds $93,000 and only about half of undergraduates qualify for need-based financial aid. Furthermore, self-selection played a role, with students in precarious situations—particularly those facing the real risk of deportation—choosing to temper their expressions in order to protect themselves.
3. Has the campus atmosphere shifted since Trump's election? I graduated in May and moved to Washington to work full-time at PMG, but according to conversations with those who remain at Columbia, the atmosphere has changed less than one might expect.
Columbia is one of the most progressive college campuses in the U.S. It has earned its nickname as the “activist Ivy” due to its storied history of political protest, dating back to 1968 when anti-war demonstrators occupied Hamilton Hall for nearly a week. It’s unlikely that the gains President Donald Trump achieved among younger voters would be visible at Columbia; conservative voices typically remain silent in such an environment.
Among the robust pro-Palestinian protest movement, there has long been a belief that both Donald Trump and Joe Biden, along with Kamala Harris, are part of the same oppressive framework. Protest leaders see the need for a complete system overhaul—viewing the U.S. as “the belly of the beast” of colonialism, capitalism, and various other oppressive forces. The activity level and ambiance on campus likely would have remained similar even if Harris had been elected.
4. How had student protesters sought to protect themselves from retaliation until now? Until recently, the primary fear among many protesters was doxxing. A website known as Canary Mission lists the names and images of individuals considered anti-Israel, including student journalists whose reporting is deemed unfavorable by the moderators. Additionally, a “doxxing truck” circulated around Columbia and other campuses, displaying the names and faces of students labeled as the school’s “leading antisemites.”
To mitigate the risk of doxxing, many protesters concealed their identities by covering their heads with keffiyehs and faces with surgical masks. These head and face coverings deviate from the typical image of Ivy League students, and xenophobia likely contributes to the prevailing fear surrounding these largely non-violent protesters.
5. Has the discourse surrounding student protests evolved since 2024? Could Khalil’s arrest alter it? As I mentioned earlier, many Republicans have held disdain for universities for quite some time. Anti-war protests have provided them with justification to criticize these institutions for allegedly failing to protect Jewish students. It poses a challenge for Democrats to navigate the complexities of distinguishing antisemitism from anti-Zionism—a viewpoint held by some protesters, including several who are Jewish. Additionally, pro-Israel advocates in the U.S. wield significant influence, as evidenced by former Rep. Jamaal Bowman’s support for the Columbia protests and his subsequent challenge from an AIPAC-backed candidate, which likely causes many Democrats to hesitate in their support.
However, Khalil’s case might provide a politically viable angle for the Democratic Party. Trump’s move to deport a legal immigrant—a potentially sympathetic figure given his American-born pregnant wife—is unprecedented and raises considerable concern among First Amendment advocates. Both Democrats and Republicans have already framed Khalil’s attempted deportation as a free speech issue, and if Trump acts similarly against more pro-Palestinian student activists, as he has indicated, he may encounter intensified backlash.
Ramin Sohrabi for TROIB News
Despite holding a green card as a permanent resident, Khalil was apprehended by Immigration and Customs Enforcement on Saturday for leading activities “aligned to Hamas.” This arrest has sparked outcry from fellow activists, free speech organizations, and a number of Democrats. Currently, a judge has halted the Palestinian activist’s deportation, but much about his future remains in doubt.
Here’s what we understand about Khalil, the student protests, and the atmosphere at Columbia.
1. What was Mahmoud Khalil’s role in Columbia’s student protests? What was his immigration status during those events? Khalil served as a key negotiator representing the student protesters to the Columbia administration during the “Gaza Solidarity Encampment” last spring. The group behind this initiative, Columbia University Apartheid Divest (CUAD), demanded that the university completely sever its ties with Israel, including divesting and stopping plans to establish a “global center” in Tel Aviv, while also seeking amnesty for the protesters. Throughout this political turmoil, Khalil and university officials, including at least two deans, participated in continuous negotiations, although they never reached a consensus.
Hailing from Palestine and raised in Syria, Khalil was in the U.S. on an F-1 student visa as a graduate student in Columbia’s School of International and Public Affairs during the protests in April 2024, according to Al Jazeera. His role as a negotiator made him more visible compared to other protesters who were cautious about exposing their identities. In May, he expressed concern to Al Jazeera that facing disciplinary action from the university could jeopardize his student visa.
2. Was deportation a widespread concern among immigrant students participating in the protests? Absolutely. During the encampment, two international student friends confided in me that they wished to join but were afraid of losing their visas. There was also a similar apprehension among low-income students who wanted to avoid jeopardizing their scholarships or losing on-campus housing. Many chose alternative forms of participation, such as sharing pro-Palestinian content on social media or delivering food and supplies to the encampment.
At Barnard College, for instance, students suspended for protesting faced immediate eviction from their dormitories, raising significant fears. The disparity in circumstances is stark between those who have nearby family or robust support systems and those who might find themselves on the streets of Manhattan because their relatives reside abroad.
After the initial mass arrests, the New York Post published a front-page article highlighting that many of the arrested student protesters were from privileged backgrounds. This aspect reflects Columbia’s profile—where the annual cost of attendance exceeds $93,000 and only about half of undergraduates qualify for need-based financial aid. Furthermore, self-selection played a role, with students in precarious situations—particularly those facing the real risk of deportation—choosing to temper their expressions in order to protect themselves.
3. Has the campus atmosphere shifted since Trump's election? I graduated in May and moved to Washington to work full-time at PMG, but according to conversations with those who remain at Columbia, the atmosphere has changed less than one might expect.
Columbia is one of the most progressive college campuses in the U.S. It has earned its nickname as the “activist Ivy” due to its storied history of political protest, dating back to 1968 when anti-war demonstrators occupied Hamilton Hall for nearly a week. It’s unlikely that the gains President Donald Trump achieved among younger voters would be visible at Columbia; conservative voices typically remain silent in such an environment.
Among the robust pro-Palestinian protest movement, there has long been a belief that both Donald Trump and Joe Biden, along with Kamala Harris, are part of the same oppressive framework. Protest leaders see the need for a complete system overhaul—viewing the U.S. as “the belly of the beast” of colonialism, capitalism, and various other oppressive forces. The activity level and ambiance on campus likely would have remained similar even if Harris had been elected.
4. How had student protesters sought to protect themselves from retaliation until now? Until recently, the primary fear among many protesters was doxxing. A website known as Canary Mission lists the names and images of individuals considered anti-Israel, including student journalists whose reporting is deemed unfavorable by the moderators. Additionally, a “doxxing truck” circulated around Columbia and other campuses, displaying the names and faces of students labeled as the school’s “leading antisemites.”
To mitigate the risk of doxxing, many protesters concealed their identities by covering their heads with keffiyehs and faces with surgical masks. These head and face coverings deviate from the typical image of Ivy League students, and xenophobia likely contributes to the prevailing fear surrounding these largely non-violent protesters.
5. Has the discourse surrounding student protests evolved since 2024? Could Khalil’s arrest alter it? As I mentioned earlier, many Republicans have held disdain for universities for quite some time. Anti-war protests have provided them with justification to criticize these institutions for allegedly failing to protect Jewish students. It poses a challenge for Democrats to navigate the complexities of distinguishing antisemitism from anti-Zionism—a viewpoint held by some protesters, including several who are Jewish. Additionally, pro-Israel advocates in the U.S. wield significant influence, as evidenced by former Rep. Jamaal Bowman’s support for the Columbia protests and his subsequent challenge from an AIPAC-backed candidate, which likely causes many Democrats to hesitate in their support.
However, Khalil’s case might provide a politically viable angle for the Democratic Party. Trump’s move to deport a legal immigrant—a potentially sympathetic figure given his American-born pregnant wife—is unprecedented and raises considerable concern among First Amendment advocates. Both Democrats and Republicans have already framed Khalil’s attempted deportation as a free speech issue, and if Trump acts similarly against more pro-Palestinian student activists, as he has indicated, he may encounter intensified backlash.
Ramin Sohrabi for TROIB News
