This Mayor's Support Could Boost Harris in Arizona, But It May Come at a Personal Cost.
John Giles is working to persuade his fellow Republicans in Arizona to support Harris. Are they paying attention?
TroibNews 
The gathering featured the typical elements of a Harris fundraiser: sharp jabs at Donald Trump, apprehensive discussions about his possible comeback to the White House, and enthusiastic endorsements of his Democratic opponent. However, there was a notable twist: the audience consisted of Republicans.
The highlight of the evening was Mesa, Arizona’s Republican mayor John Giles. With an athletic build and a dark blazer, he sported clear-frame glasses that night. Though Mesa is a strongly conservative city in Arizona, Giles has taken on the role of one of Harris’ main advocates among right-leaning voters in this pivotal state.
“Kamala Harris is a much better Republican than Donald Trump,” he asserted to a gathering of fellow Republicans in downtown Phoenix. “She governs from the center. She's pragmatic. She'll help us to solve problems.” Although the audience largely agreed with him, his “better Republican” remark drew chuckles.
The event was organized by a pro-Harris PAC called “Arizona Republicans Who Believe in Treating Others with Respect.” Among those present were a school principal, a retired nurse, and a former state legislator, along with Giles’ wife, Dawn, all assembled in a law firm’s office for the September fundraiser. Suzanne Lunt, one of the PAC’s co-chairs and a kindergarten teacher, circulated cookies wrapped in plastic with the message “Country Over Party.”
“This election is going to be so narrow in Arizona,” Giles remarked as the orange glow from the Superstition Mountains filled the room. “Every opportunity we have to exert any kind of influence is important to take advantage of because it's going to come down to the narrowest of margins.”
At 64, Giles speaks with a calm Midwestern lilt, always avoiding overt schmoozing. He describes himself as “a bit of an anxious person,” a sentiment that sometimes comes through. During one-on-one conversations, he often gazes off to the side. His primary goal for the evening, and for the weeks leading up to the election, was to inspire attendees to follow his lead in reaching out to their networks of like-minded conservatives and make a case for the Democratic candidate—or at the very least, against the Republican one.
“I'm trying to convince Republicans to not leave the ballot blank,” he explained. “I’m trying to give them aid and comfort on coming to terms with voting for Vice President Harris.”
Several months prior, Giles had been enlisted by the Harris campaign as part of its national Republicans for Harris initiative to maintain Arizona’s blue status. His role is to encourage moderate Republicans in the state to consider voting for a Democratic candidate in November. Participating in grassroots PACs like this one is a significant aspect of that effort. “I'm accepting all the invitations I'm getting,” he noted.
Former Republican state legislator Robin Shaw, who collaborates with Giles and the Harris campaign, put it bluntly. “My one job is to hand Harris [Arizona’s] 11 electoral votes,” she stated. “If we were able to just get 1 out of every 4 [Nikki] Haley voters, that would be 26,000 more votes and we win this thing.”
In the 2020 election, Joe Biden secured Arizona by a mere 10,457 votes, marking the first Democratic presidential victory in the state since 1996.
Giles’ small PAC had raised $100,000 at the time of the Phoenix gathering, as reported by co-chair Dan Barker, a former appellate judge who expressed his excitement over Giles’ involvement. “It’s huge. It’s been terrific that he’s been involved,” Barker said. “It’s hard to look at him and say he’s any kind of an extremist, that he’s some liberal going off the deep end.”
However, while Giles has not slid into extremism, he has certainly ventured into complex political territory. During Trump’s first term, over 130 Republican representatives in Congress left their positions or announced their retirement, many citing their dislike of Trump. Those Republicans who were not sufficiently aligned with MAGA lost re-election bids to more Trump-supportive candidates. Consequently, few remaining Republicans in Congress openly criticize Trump, and even among mayors, public dissent is scarce.
This rarity makes Giles unique as a politician: a Republican who still has a promising future ahead of him while not only rejecting Trump but actively working toward making his opponent president. He has attracted criticism not only from Trump himself but also from many Trump supporters in his divided state.
Giles and his supporters acknowledge the risks involved. “He's toast in terms of running for political office as a Republican in Arizona,” Barker said. “The Arizona Republican Party is Kari Lake and Andy Biggs. This is hardcore MAGA.”
Giles might represent one of the last vestiges of the traditional Republican Party—or potentially the future of a new iteration. “There's a lot of people like me that, frankly, we're not Democrats, we're not progressive socialists,” he said. “But we are turned off by what we see in the MAGA party, this very negative, contentious, mean spirited, thinly veiled bigotry.”
“We are essentially politically homeless,” he added. “I don't know how long that situation can persist. We've got to find a place to land at some point.”
Like about 6 percent of Arizonans, Giles identifies as a Mormon. His faith influences his disapproval of Trump’s brashness. “I was taught in my faith that we should look at the character and the integrity of individual candidates,” he stated. “I don’t think the ends justify the means.”
This disapproval of Trump extends back to before his presidency. In 2011, while managing a law firm in Mesa, Giles co-chaired a successful campaign to recall far-right legislator Russell Pearce. Pearce became notorious in Arizona for his fervent anti-immigration stance and was a key figure in S.B. 1070, a law criticized for promoting racial profiling. Giles was particularly offended by Pearce’s tendency to justify his views using his Mormon faith. Although he had previously served briefly on the Mesa city council and as vice mayor in the 1990s, the recall effort re-engaged him in politics and set him at odds with the Arizona GOP, which framed the recall as a partisan attack.
Two years later, after Mesa Mayor Scott Smith departed to seek the governorship, Giles was recruited to succeed him. He won the election in 2014 with 72 percent of the vote, ran uncontested in 2016, and received 66 percent in 2020. Under Giles’ leadership, Mesa has experienced substantial growth, with its population increasing by 17 percent to 517,000 residents between 2010 and 2020. Major companies like Apple, Google, Gulfstream, and Meta have established offices there. The area where these companies are based boasts more commercial development than any other in the U.S. A large stack of branded shovels in Giles’ office signifies the numerous groundbreaking ceremonies he has attended.
As Mesa has evolved, so has its political landscape. Originally settled by Mormon colonists in the 19th century, the city has always leaned conservative but in a more moderate manner focused on fiscal responsibility, social conservatism, and reducing government regulations. However, as Trumpism and its populist elements spread through parts of red America, they gained traction in Mesa and throughout the state. The Republican spectrum coexists in tension in the city, with Trumpist factions alongside moderates like Giles, referred to as McCain Republicans. “The whole Republican spectrum is represented in Mesa,” remarked Tyler Montague, a local conservative activist.
When Trump assumed office, Giles initially harbored optimism that federal infrastructure investments would positively impact Mesa. Trump had campaigned on prioritizing such investments, yet they never materialized. “This whole infrastructure week thing was kind of a joke during the Trump administration,” Giles said. “We kept being promised, much like his health care plan, that it was just a couple of weeks away. It just never happened.”
Giles’ anti-Trump activism began soon after Trump took office. Although he did not endorse Clinton in 2016, he was caught on a hot mic in 2017 referring to Trump as “an idiot” during a conversation with then-Senator Jeff Flake. He identifies that moment as his public break from Trump. While he did not formally endorse Biden in 2020, he supported Democratic governor Katie Hobbs in her race against Kari Lake in 2022, as well as Democratic senator Mark Kelly that year.
Under Biden, Arizona has benefited from substantial investments through the CHIPS Act, the Inflation Reduction Act, and the Bipartisan Infrastructure Act, which have substantially affected Mesa according to Giles. “It was apples and oranges,” he noted. “It’s a very stark contrast.”
His campaigning for Harris kicked off in July with an op-ed endorsing her in the Arizona Republic and included introducing her at a campaign rally in Glendale, Arizona, and speaking during a prime-time slot at the Democratic National Convention in late August.
What frustrates Giles most about Trump is the way his leadership shifted Republican politics, fostering demagoguery among his followers. “I have seen it change,” he explained. “You literally have someone like Kari Lake who's telling non-MAGA people to get the hell out of the room. It hasn't been a subtle shift. It's been a personal invitation to leave the party.”
While he was preparing to introduce Harris’ running mate, Tim Walz, at the Mesa Convention Center, he encountered a crowd of enthusiastic supporters braving 110-degree heat to attend the event. Many wore blue shirts, and a digital display proclaimed: “Arizona is Kamala Country.” A supporter passing by Giles in the air-conditioned hallway complimented him, saying, “You’re the best,” making him visibly bashful.
Arizona has proven to be a particularly receptive audience for anti-Trump advocacy targeting Republicans. Recent polling by Arizona Family/HighGround reveals that nearly 13 percent of Arizona Republicans—approximately 185,900 voters—do not plan to support Trump. A Wall Street Journal poll found that while Harris enjoys the backing of 96 percent of Democrats in the state, Trump only has 88 percent of Republican support. “The game for Democrats is to win enough old McCain Republicans,” said Michael Bocian, a Democratic pollster involved in the survey. “There’s more crossover vote in this state than anywhere else.”
In this delicate endeavor, conservative figures like Giles are viewed as essential persuaders.
Giles later described his mission in terms of “permission.” He aims to provide a way for Republicans to feel validated in crossing party lines and supporting Harris. His role gives supportive voters “conscientious air cover in their decision making,” according to political consultant Chuck Coughlin, who noted, “I think it just gives people approval. That's all. I’m not sure it's moving a great number of people. But holy moly, it’s not going to require to move a whole lot of people to move the needle out here. It’s going to be close. Every little bit helps.”
In his efforts to cast Harris as a “better Republican,” Giles frames his support for her in moral terms. He articulated this point after the Walz rally at another fundraising event in the affluent Phoenix neighborhood of Arcadia. Earlier that day, Trump had held a rally in Tucson where he described a migrant “invasion,” claiming, “We’re being conquered and we’re being occupied by a foreign element.”
“Silence is not an option when you're confronted with these types of moral dilemmas in life,” he asserted. Attendees at this private fundraiser included about 80 conservatives, gathered in Robin Shaw’s elegantly decorated home, with “STOP TRUMP” signs displayed amid various whimsical decor. Olivia Troye, former national security adviser to Mike Pence, attended, and as Democratic senatorial candidate Rep. Ruben Gallego arrived, the assembly erupted in applause.
During a brief Q&A session, a woman raised a question about gay marriage. “As I try to speak to my Republican colleagues, another topic that comes up is the LGBT community,” she began, referencing Trump’s removal of language from the Republican platform that defined marriage as being between a man and a woman. “He removed the man and a woman part, so he's open. That is another one that’s tossed out the window.”
In response to this complex cultural issue, Giles redirected the conversation to the CHIPS Act. “Our entire economy is being recreated because of this bipartisan legislation that has invested in infrastructure,” he replied. “Do Republicans think it's the proper role of government to invest in infrastructure? Yes, we do. So who’s the better Republican?”
Giles’ nuanced approach showcases the political gymnastics required in his advocacy. His mission is fraught with pitfalls related to sensitive topics such as abortion, LGBT rights, and “woke” ideologies. While he might strive to connect with voters on these issues, they are not necessarily Harris’ strongest areas from a conservative standpoint. Yet, Giles believes that the existing conservative discontent with Trump may outweigh these concerns.
For many of Giles’ conservative constituents in Mesa, his anti-Trump position makes him more distasteful than any liberal. He has been branded a RINO (Republican In Name Only), with comments on his mayoral Facebook page reflecting this sentiment: “I blame you for the destruction of this country,” and “Does Soros pay you to be anti-American?”
Giles has faced censure from state GOP branches three times, and at one point, the Mesa branch even sent him a registration form to change his party affiliation to Democrat, as recalled by former chair Ian Murphy.
As he approaches the end of his term as mayor, he is uncertain about what lies ahead. “I couldn’t win a Republican primary for dog catcher,” he acknowledged. “I could see maybe staying in government at the state level or somewhere else,” he added. Speculation about his potential inclusion in a future Harris administration has arisen, akin to Flake’s role as Biden’s ambassador to Turkey.
In the meantime, Giles remains dedicated to his cause.
“I hope that [another Trump loss] causes an uproar in the party,” he stated. “I hope that, contrary to what Donald Trump promised, where we get sick of winning, we get sick of losing and people can see that this party is in a downward spiral to irrelevancy if they continue to back a MAGA faction.”
“I’m hoping that’s what happens,” he concluded, “I don't know how optimistic I am that’s what's going to happen.”
Sanya Singh contributed to this report for TROIB News
The highlight of the evening was Mesa, Arizona’s Republican mayor John Giles. With an athletic build and a dark blazer, he sported clear-frame glasses that night. Though Mesa is a strongly conservative city in Arizona, Giles has taken on the role of one of Harris’ main advocates among right-leaning voters in this pivotal state.
“Kamala Harris is a much better Republican than Donald Trump,” he asserted to a gathering of fellow Republicans in downtown Phoenix. “She governs from the center. She's pragmatic. She'll help us to solve problems.” Although the audience largely agreed with him, his “better Republican” remark drew chuckles.
The event was organized by a pro-Harris PAC called “Arizona Republicans Who Believe in Treating Others with Respect.” Among those present were a school principal, a retired nurse, and a former state legislator, along with Giles’ wife, Dawn, all assembled in a law firm’s office for the September fundraiser. Suzanne Lunt, one of the PAC’s co-chairs and a kindergarten teacher, circulated cookies wrapped in plastic with the message “Country Over Party.”
“This election is going to be so narrow in Arizona,” Giles remarked as the orange glow from the Superstition Mountains filled the room. “Every opportunity we have to exert any kind of influence is important to take advantage of because it's going to come down to the narrowest of margins.”
At 64, Giles speaks with a calm Midwestern lilt, always avoiding overt schmoozing. He describes himself as “a bit of an anxious person,” a sentiment that sometimes comes through. During one-on-one conversations, he often gazes off to the side. His primary goal for the evening, and for the weeks leading up to the election, was to inspire attendees to follow his lead in reaching out to their networks of like-minded conservatives and make a case for the Democratic candidate—or at the very least, against the Republican one.
“I'm trying to convince Republicans to not leave the ballot blank,” he explained. “I’m trying to give them aid and comfort on coming to terms with voting for Vice President Harris.”
Several months prior, Giles had been enlisted by the Harris campaign as part of its national Republicans for Harris initiative to maintain Arizona’s blue status. His role is to encourage moderate Republicans in the state to consider voting for a Democratic candidate in November. Participating in grassroots PACs like this one is a significant aspect of that effort. “I'm accepting all the invitations I'm getting,” he noted.
Former Republican state legislator Robin Shaw, who collaborates with Giles and the Harris campaign, put it bluntly. “My one job is to hand Harris [Arizona’s] 11 electoral votes,” she stated. “If we were able to just get 1 out of every 4 [Nikki] Haley voters, that would be 26,000 more votes and we win this thing.”
In the 2020 election, Joe Biden secured Arizona by a mere 10,457 votes, marking the first Democratic presidential victory in the state since 1996.
Giles’ small PAC had raised $100,000 at the time of the Phoenix gathering, as reported by co-chair Dan Barker, a former appellate judge who expressed his excitement over Giles’ involvement. “It’s huge. It’s been terrific that he’s been involved,” Barker said. “It’s hard to look at him and say he’s any kind of an extremist, that he’s some liberal going off the deep end.”
However, while Giles has not slid into extremism, he has certainly ventured into complex political territory. During Trump’s first term, over 130 Republican representatives in Congress left their positions or announced their retirement, many citing their dislike of Trump. Those Republicans who were not sufficiently aligned with MAGA lost re-election bids to more Trump-supportive candidates. Consequently, few remaining Republicans in Congress openly criticize Trump, and even among mayors, public dissent is scarce.
This rarity makes Giles unique as a politician: a Republican who still has a promising future ahead of him while not only rejecting Trump but actively working toward making his opponent president. He has attracted criticism not only from Trump himself but also from many Trump supporters in his divided state.
Giles and his supporters acknowledge the risks involved. “He's toast in terms of running for political office as a Republican in Arizona,” Barker said. “The Arizona Republican Party is Kari Lake and Andy Biggs. This is hardcore MAGA.”
Giles might represent one of the last vestiges of the traditional Republican Party—or potentially the future of a new iteration. “There's a lot of people like me that, frankly, we're not Democrats, we're not progressive socialists,” he said. “But we are turned off by what we see in the MAGA party, this very negative, contentious, mean spirited, thinly veiled bigotry.”
“We are essentially politically homeless,” he added. “I don't know how long that situation can persist. We've got to find a place to land at some point.”
Like about 6 percent of Arizonans, Giles identifies as a Mormon. His faith influences his disapproval of Trump’s brashness. “I was taught in my faith that we should look at the character and the integrity of individual candidates,” he stated. “I don’t think the ends justify the means.”
This disapproval of Trump extends back to before his presidency. In 2011, while managing a law firm in Mesa, Giles co-chaired a successful campaign to recall far-right legislator Russell Pearce. Pearce became notorious in Arizona for his fervent anti-immigration stance and was a key figure in S.B. 1070, a law criticized for promoting racial profiling. Giles was particularly offended by Pearce’s tendency to justify his views using his Mormon faith. Although he had previously served briefly on the Mesa city council and as vice mayor in the 1990s, the recall effort re-engaged him in politics and set him at odds with the Arizona GOP, which framed the recall as a partisan attack.
Two years later, after Mesa Mayor Scott Smith departed to seek the governorship, Giles was recruited to succeed him. He won the election in 2014 with 72 percent of the vote, ran uncontested in 2016, and received 66 percent in 2020. Under Giles’ leadership, Mesa has experienced substantial growth, with its population increasing by 17 percent to 517,000 residents between 2010 and 2020. Major companies like Apple, Google, Gulfstream, and Meta have established offices there. The area where these companies are based boasts more commercial development than any other in the U.S. A large stack of branded shovels in Giles’ office signifies the numerous groundbreaking ceremonies he has attended.
As Mesa has evolved, so has its political landscape. Originally settled by Mormon colonists in the 19th century, the city has always leaned conservative but in a more moderate manner focused on fiscal responsibility, social conservatism, and reducing government regulations. However, as Trumpism and its populist elements spread through parts of red America, they gained traction in Mesa and throughout the state. The Republican spectrum coexists in tension in the city, with Trumpist factions alongside moderates like Giles, referred to as McCain Republicans. “The whole Republican spectrum is represented in Mesa,” remarked Tyler Montague, a local conservative activist.
When Trump assumed office, Giles initially harbored optimism that federal infrastructure investments would positively impact Mesa. Trump had campaigned on prioritizing such investments, yet they never materialized. “This whole infrastructure week thing was kind of a joke during the Trump administration,” Giles said. “We kept being promised, much like his health care plan, that it was just a couple of weeks away. It just never happened.”
Giles’ anti-Trump activism began soon after Trump took office. Although he did not endorse Clinton in 2016, he was caught on a hot mic in 2017 referring to Trump as “an idiot” during a conversation with then-Senator Jeff Flake. He identifies that moment as his public break from Trump. While he did not formally endorse Biden in 2020, he supported Democratic governor Katie Hobbs in her race against Kari Lake in 2022, as well as Democratic senator Mark Kelly that year.
Under Biden, Arizona has benefited from substantial investments through the CHIPS Act, the Inflation Reduction Act, and the Bipartisan Infrastructure Act, which have substantially affected Mesa according to Giles. “It was apples and oranges,” he noted. “It’s a very stark contrast.”
His campaigning for Harris kicked off in July with an op-ed endorsing her in the Arizona Republic and included introducing her at a campaign rally in Glendale, Arizona, and speaking during a prime-time slot at the Democratic National Convention in late August.
What frustrates Giles most about Trump is the way his leadership shifted Republican politics, fostering demagoguery among his followers. “I have seen it change,” he explained. “You literally have someone like Kari Lake who's telling non-MAGA people to get the hell out of the room. It hasn't been a subtle shift. It's been a personal invitation to leave the party.”
While he was preparing to introduce Harris’ running mate, Tim Walz, at the Mesa Convention Center, he encountered a crowd of enthusiastic supporters braving 110-degree heat to attend the event. Many wore blue shirts, and a digital display proclaimed: “Arizona is Kamala Country.” A supporter passing by Giles in the air-conditioned hallway complimented him, saying, “You’re the best,” making him visibly bashful.
Arizona has proven to be a particularly receptive audience for anti-Trump advocacy targeting Republicans. Recent polling by Arizona Family/HighGround reveals that nearly 13 percent of Arizona Republicans—approximately 185,900 voters—do not plan to support Trump. A Wall Street Journal poll found that while Harris enjoys the backing of 96 percent of Democrats in the state, Trump only has 88 percent of Republican support. “The game for Democrats is to win enough old McCain Republicans,” said Michael Bocian, a Democratic pollster involved in the survey. “There’s more crossover vote in this state than anywhere else.”
In this delicate endeavor, conservative figures like Giles are viewed as essential persuaders.
Giles later described his mission in terms of “permission.” He aims to provide a way for Republicans to feel validated in crossing party lines and supporting Harris. His role gives supportive voters “conscientious air cover in their decision making,” according to political consultant Chuck Coughlin, who noted, “I think it just gives people approval. That's all. I’m not sure it's moving a great number of people. But holy moly, it’s not going to require to move a whole lot of people to move the needle out here. It’s going to be close. Every little bit helps.”
In his efforts to cast Harris as a “better Republican,” Giles frames his support for her in moral terms. He articulated this point after the Walz rally at another fundraising event in the affluent Phoenix neighborhood of Arcadia. Earlier that day, Trump had held a rally in Tucson where he described a migrant “invasion,” claiming, “We’re being conquered and we’re being occupied by a foreign element.”
“Silence is not an option when you're confronted with these types of moral dilemmas in life,” he asserted. Attendees at this private fundraiser included about 80 conservatives, gathered in Robin Shaw’s elegantly decorated home, with “STOP TRUMP” signs displayed amid various whimsical decor. Olivia Troye, former national security adviser to Mike Pence, attended, and as Democratic senatorial candidate Rep. Ruben Gallego arrived, the assembly erupted in applause.
During a brief Q&A session, a woman raised a question about gay marriage. “As I try to speak to my Republican colleagues, another topic that comes up is the LGBT community,” she began, referencing Trump’s removal of language from the Republican platform that defined marriage as being between a man and a woman. “He removed the man and a woman part, so he's open. That is another one that’s tossed out the window.”
In response to this complex cultural issue, Giles redirected the conversation to the CHIPS Act. “Our entire economy is being recreated because of this bipartisan legislation that has invested in infrastructure,” he replied. “Do Republicans think it's the proper role of government to invest in infrastructure? Yes, we do. So who’s the better Republican?”
Giles’ nuanced approach showcases the political gymnastics required in his advocacy. His mission is fraught with pitfalls related to sensitive topics such as abortion, LGBT rights, and “woke” ideologies. While he might strive to connect with voters on these issues, they are not necessarily Harris’ strongest areas from a conservative standpoint. Yet, Giles believes that the existing conservative discontent with Trump may outweigh these concerns.
For many of Giles’ conservative constituents in Mesa, his anti-Trump position makes him more distasteful than any liberal. He has been branded a RINO (Republican In Name Only), with comments on his mayoral Facebook page reflecting this sentiment: “I blame you for the destruction of this country,” and “Does Soros pay you to be anti-American?”
Giles has faced censure from state GOP branches three times, and at one point, the Mesa branch even sent him a registration form to change his party affiliation to Democrat, as recalled by former chair Ian Murphy.
As he approaches the end of his term as mayor, he is uncertain about what lies ahead. “I couldn’t win a Republican primary for dog catcher,” he acknowledged. “I could see maybe staying in government at the state level or somewhere else,” he added. Speculation about his potential inclusion in a future Harris administration has arisen, akin to Flake’s role as Biden’s ambassador to Turkey.
In the meantime, Giles remains dedicated to his cause.
“I hope that [another Trump loss] causes an uproar in the party,” he stated. “I hope that, contrary to what Donald Trump promised, where we get sick of winning, we get sick of losing and people can see that this party is in a downward spiral to irrelevancy if they continue to back a MAGA faction.”
“I’m hoping that’s what happens,” he concluded, “I don't know how optimistic I am that’s what's going to happen.”
Sanya Singh contributed to this report for TROIB News
