Persuading a Hesitant Trump to Engage in a Freed Syria
The president-elect previously referred to Syria as "sand and death."
TroibNews 
MANAMA, Bahrain — Just hours before the potential unraveling of the Syrian regime, a Saudi royal took to the stage in an opulent ballroom and urged President-elect Donald Trump to step up and assist the conflict-stricken Middle East.
“American leadership matters for the whole world,” Prince Turki Al-Faisal, a former ambassador in Washington, stated during the IISS Manama Dialogue. “It is time for America, under your presidency, to change the course of this troubled region.”
The prince's appeal might have been an attempt to flatter a politician known for his focus on self-image, a man whose memorable proclamations include “I alone can fix it.”
His call to Trump underscored a desire for stability in a region facing significant upheaval, highlighted by the recent ousting of Syrian dictator Bashar Al-Assad amid a sudden offensive by rebel forces.
However, based on discussions with several individuals connected to Trump and others who have worked closely with him, suggesting to the new president that the U.S. should take the lead on international issues might be more likely to irritate than convince him. There’s even the risk of it backfiring.
A more effective strategy? Demonstrate what you’re doing for the United States, particularly if it involves investment in the American economy; outline your approach to the current crisis; and reassure him that you are ready to take the initiative. Only then might he consider offering assistance.
It’s about what you can do for America, rather than what America can do for you — and that includes not just Trump, but his administration as a whole.
According to one former Trump administration official, it is “critically important” for world leaders to grasp this concept.
This method aligns with Trump’s well-known transactionalism and his aversion to being taken advantage of, particularly pertinent for Arab and Middle Eastern leaders navigating the ramifications of the unprecedented events in Syria.
The swift removal of Assad, who held power for almost 25 years, brings a wave of uncertainty about the region's future.
Upon arriving in this sophisticated capital, I anticipated gaining insights into how regional countries planned to engage with Trump amidst the chaos in Gaza and Lebanon.
However, Assad’s fall was unexpectedly abrupt. The unfolding situation was so dynamic that forum speakers hastily adjusted their remarks to reflect the latest developments.
A few Arab officials who spoke with me under the condition of anonymity expressed a hope that the U.S. would lead or, at the very least, provide direction in the post-Assad era of Syria. Nevertheless, Trump, who sought to withdraw U.S. forces from Syria during his initial term, hinted over the weekend that he may not wish to intervene.
“Syria is a mess, but is not our friend, & THE UNITED STATES SHOULD HAVE NOTHING TO DO WITH IT. THIS IS NOT OUR FIGHT. LET IT PLAY OUT. DO NOT GET INVOLVED!” Trump posted online shortly before the confirmation of Assad's departure.
It’s challenging to fault Trump for this position. Currently, the Syrian populace is celebrating Assad’s exit, but tumult could soon follow.
An Arab official, speaking on condition of anonymity due to the sensitive nature of the situation, outlined some severe possibilities: escalating violence, revenge-seeking behavior, renewed conflict among rebel factions, and jihadists potentially seizing control, turning Syria into a hub for terrorism.
“We have immediate issues, and we have long-term issues,” the official noted.
Despite the myriad challenges in the Middle East, the region is also abundant in talent and wealth, much of it stemming from oil and gas resources.
If regional leaders approach Trump with a robust post-war strategy, financial backing, and a commitment to take the lead in assisting the Syrian people, he might at least consider their requests for support.
To my knowledge — and that of analysts I consulted — no substantial plan or initiative is currently in place.
In fact, countries across the Middle East and beyond have been divided in their approaches to the Syrian crisis. Turkey seemingly wields more influence in Syria than many Arab nations at present.
While individual regional leaders may still press Trump for involvement in stabilizing Syria, given the U.S. military and energy interests in the region, they will need to sharpen their messaging to gain his attention.
“Every great power is a significant stakeholder in the region and with that comes a responsibility to help bring peace and stability, so of course we would like to see U.S. involvement to help regional actors stabilize the neighborhood,” one Gulf Arab diplomat remarked when I inquired about Syria.
To truly persuade Trump, regional leaders may need to emphasize potential economic gains for U.S. businesses in the rebuilding of Syria.
However, it's important to note that similar arguments regarding Ukraine have had limited influence on Trump. Significant creativity will be required. Given Trump’s unpredictable nature, particularly regarding a nation he has characterized as “sand and death,” the outcome remains uncertain.
Most Arab and Middle Eastern officials I spoke to expressed optimism about a second Trump presidency and its potential benefits for the region, even as they acknowledged the difficulties of involving him in the ongoing Syrian crisis. They seem to accept his transactional approach, even if U.S. political opponents consider it corrupt and self-serving.
Trump’s authoritarian tendencies resonate with norms in the region, as does his practice of appointing family members to high-profile roles.
Many Arab officials hope for a Trump administration that is quicker, more decisive, and less bureaucratically constrained than President Joe Biden’s. Some expect Trump to adopt a tougher stance against Iran, while simultaneously seeking to mend relations with Tehran. In fact, some hope that tough rhetoric from Trump might encourage Iran to engage in more diplomacy with regional leaders.
Former officials from Trump’s administration have advised that a key strategy for Middle Eastern and Arab leaders to advance their national interests is to increase investments in the United States, particularly in the defense sector, and to ensure that Trump is informed of these initiatives.
For countries like Bahrain seeking to maintain strong ties with Trump, a recommended approach is to limit relations with China, particularly in technology and cyber domains.
While poorer nations in the region may try to remain off Trump’s radar, wealthier countries are reportedly planning significant investments.
“They are looking to spend money … both on the security side and on the investment side,” a Biden administration official familiar with the situation explained. “They’re holding things back at this point so that there are deliverables for the Trump administration.”
One Arab diplomat suggested, “Check the sovereign wealth funds,” indicating that having evidence of investment portfolios may be a strategic move during interactions with Trump.
Mark B Thomas for TROIB News
“American leadership matters for the whole world,” Prince Turki Al-Faisal, a former ambassador in Washington, stated during the IISS Manama Dialogue. “It is time for America, under your presidency, to change the course of this troubled region.”
The prince's appeal might have been an attempt to flatter a politician known for his focus on self-image, a man whose memorable proclamations include “I alone can fix it.”
His call to Trump underscored a desire for stability in a region facing significant upheaval, highlighted by the recent ousting of Syrian dictator Bashar Al-Assad amid a sudden offensive by rebel forces.
However, based on discussions with several individuals connected to Trump and others who have worked closely with him, suggesting to the new president that the U.S. should take the lead on international issues might be more likely to irritate than convince him. There’s even the risk of it backfiring.
A more effective strategy? Demonstrate what you’re doing for the United States, particularly if it involves investment in the American economy; outline your approach to the current crisis; and reassure him that you are ready to take the initiative. Only then might he consider offering assistance.
It’s about what you can do for America, rather than what America can do for you — and that includes not just Trump, but his administration as a whole.
According to one former Trump administration official, it is “critically important” for world leaders to grasp this concept.
This method aligns with Trump’s well-known transactionalism and his aversion to being taken advantage of, particularly pertinent for Arab and Middle Eastern leaders navigating the ramifications of the unprecedented events in Syria.
The swift removal of Assad, who held power for almost 25 years, brings a wave of uncertainty about the region's future.
Upon arriving in this sophisticated capital, I anticipated gaining insights into how regional countries planned to engage with Trump amidst the chaos in Gaza and Lebanon.
However, Assad’s fall was unexpectedly abrupt. The unfolding situation was so dynamic that forum speakers hastily adjusted their remarks to reflect the latest developments.
A few Arab officials who spoke with me under the condition of anonymity expressed a hope that the U.S. would lead or, at the very least, provide direction in the post-Assad era of Syria. Nevertheless, Trump, who sought to withdraw U.S. forces from Syria during his initial term, hinted over the weekend that he may not wish to intervene.
“Syria is a mess, but is not our friend, & THE UNITED STATES SHOULD HAVE NOTHING TO DO WITH IT. THIS IS NOT OUR FIGHT. LET IT PLAY OUT. DO NOT GET INVOLVED!” Trump posted online shortly before the confirmation of Assad's departure.
It’s challenging to fault Trump for this position. Currently, the Syrian populace is celebrating Assad’s exit, but tumult could soon follow.
An Arab official, speaking on condition of anonymity due to the sensitive nature of the situation, outlined some severe possibilities: escalating violence, revenge-seeking behavior, renewed conflict among rebel factions, and jihadists potentially seizing control, turning Syria into a hub for terrorism.
“We have immediate issues, and we have long-term issues,” the official noted.
Despite the myriad challenges in the Middle East, the region is also abundant in talent and wealth, much of it stemming from oil and gas resources.
If regional leaders approach Trump with a robust post-war strategy, financial backing, and a commitment to take the lead in assisting the Syrian people, he might at least consider their requests for support.
To my knowledge — and that of analysts I consulted — no substantial plan or initiative is currently in place.
In fact, countries across the Middle East and beyond have been divided in their approaches to the Syrian crisis. Turkey seemingly wields more influence in Syria than many Arab nations at present.
While individual regional leaders may still press Trump for involvement in stabilizing Syria, given the U.S. military and energy interests in the region, they will need to sharpen their messaging to gain his attention.
“Every great power is a significant stakeholder in the region and with that comes a responsibility to help bring peace and stability, so of course we would like to see U.S. involvement to help regional actors stabilize the neighborhood,” one Gulf Arab diplomat remarked when I inquired about Syria.
To truly persuade Trump, regional leaders may need to emphasize potential economic gains for U.S. businesses in the rebuilding of Syria.
However, it's important to note that similar arguments regarding Ukraine have had limited influence on Trump. Significant creativity will be required. Given Trump’s unpredictable nature, particularly regarding a nation he has characterized as “sand and death,” the outcome remains uncertain.
Most Arab and Middle Eastern officials I spoke to expressed optimism about a second Trump presidency and its potential benefits for the region, even as they acknowledged the difficulties of involving him in the ongoing Syrian crisis. They seem to accept his transactional approach, even if U.S. political opponents consider it corrupt and self-serving.
Trump’s authoritarian tendencies resonate with norms in the region, as does his practice of appointing family members to high-profile roles.
Many Arab officials hope for a Trump administration that is quicker, more decisive, and less bureaucratically constrained than President Joe Biden’s. Some expect Trump to adopt a tougher stance against Iran, while simultaneously seeking to mend relations with Tehran. In fact, some hope that tough rhetoric from Trump might encourage Iran to engage in more diplomacy with regional leaders.
Former officials from Trump’s administration have advised that a key strategy for Middle Eastern and Arab leaders to advance their national interests is to increase investments in the United States, particularly in the defense sector, and to ensure that Trump is informed of these initiatives.
For countries like Bahrain seeking to maintain strong ties with Trump, a recommended approach is to limit relations with China, particularly in technology and cyber domains.
While poorer nations in the region may try to remain off Trump’s radar, wealthier countries are reportedly planning significant investments.
“They are looking to spend money … both on the security side and on the investment side,” a Biden administration official familiar with the situation explained. “They’re holding things back at this point so that there are deliverables for the Trump administration.”
One Arab diplomat suggested, “Check the sovereign wealth funds,” indicating that having evidence of investment portfolios may be a strategic move during interactions with Trump.
Mark B Thomas for TROIB News
