Ignore Beijing — The House China Committee Confronts Trump and Elon Musk
Democrats caution that Republican control of both the White House and Congress could challenge the committee's ability to maintain bipartisan cooperation and may lead to a shift towards “messaging and rhetoric.”
TroibNews 
The House committee tasked with addressing the challenges posed by China may be on the verge of losing its effectiveness amid partisan disputes, legislative dysfunction, and emerging divisions involving Donald Trump and Elon Musk.
Established two years ago, the House China Select Committee aimed to develop strategies and legislation to counteract Beijing's influence and enjoyed a reputation for bipartisanship and legislative success. However, that standing appears to be at risk.
Partisan agendas are beginning to influence the committee's legislative focus. The incoming Trump administration, while vowing to adopt a tough stance on China, is anticipated to introduce different priorities, complicating the panel's efforts to secure the support of Trump-aligned Republicans for its initiatives.
Additionally, the committee has seen a decline in the energy that initially characterized its work, which previously helped it garner broader congressional backing.
“The sheen is gone and the work is slowing down,” said a China committee staffer granted anonymity because they were not authorized to speak publicly on the matter. “Seems like the committee’s lost its mojo.”
This decline in momentum is particularly concerning as the committee seeks to accomplish its objectives during the Trump administration.
Key initiatives of the China Select Committee have included bolstering Taiwan against potential Chinese aggression and mobilizing congressional opposition to TikTok, the Chinese-owned social media platform.
In contrast, President-elect Trump has suggested that Taiwan needs to enhance its self-defense and has committed during his campaign to “save TikTok.” Meanwhile, his close adviser Elon Musk has business interests in China, leading some lawmakers and former officials to express concerns that Musk may encourage Trump to downplay U.S. security issues to maintain favorable relations with Beijing.
“Trump’s statements on China and Taiwan and his relationship with people like Musk who have interests in China say it all,” in terms of his sympathies and possible policies after he takes office, said committee member Rep. Seth Moulton.
The committee, launched in January 2022 with a two-year mandate, quickly put forth bipartisan legislative proposals related to Taiwan, fentanyl, human rights, and countering China's military expansion. This work transitioned into initiatives targeting issues such as U.S. investments in China and the so-called de minimis import tax loophole, garnering bipartisan support and likely to be enacted.
According to Rush Doshi, former National Security Council official on China policy in the Biden administration, the China committee has been “by far the least partisan” on Capitol Hill.
However, signs of change are evident. A surge of legislation in September, which House Speaker Mike Johnson labeled “China Week,” resulted in approximately two dozen bills that primarily favored Republican objectives, rather than the anticipated bipartisan package.
What was expected to be a pivotal moment for the committee ultimately became “an entirely partisan affair” that emphasized “cheap messaging over substantive policy,” according to committee member Rep. Jake Auchincloss.
Ranking member Raja Krishnamoorthi noted, “China week became weak on China” for not prioritizing strong, bipartisan-supported legislation.
There is concern among Democrats that the prevailing triumphalism among Republican lawmakers following their election victories in November will hinder willingness to compromise on issues concerning China.
Committee Chair John Moolenaar is downplaying concerns about partisan strife. “I have members on both sides of the aisle who are asking me, ‘How can we get on the China committee?’” Moolenaar said. “People recognize this is the one place where there actually is bipartisanship.”
Johnson has pledged to extend the committee’s mandate for another two years, providing additional time for agenda-setting but also potentially diminishing the urgency that previously motivated members, who believed they had a time-limited opportunity to make an impact.
“There is not quite the same sense of urgency to the committee’s work now that people assume that it’ll stick around for the next few years,” said a Republican committee member granted anonymity due to the sensitivity of their comments.
The committee’s significant legislative achievement—a bipartisan law that would ban TikTok in the U.S. if its Chinese owner does not divest before inauguration day—is now threatened on several fronts. TikTok users, along with TikTok and its parent company ByteDance, have taken their case to the Supreme Court, arguing that the law is unconstitutional. The court is set to hear arguments on Jan. 10, but it is unclear when a ruling will be made.
Despite having initiated the opposition to TikTok during his first term, Trump has recently voiced support for the platform, praising its role in his campaign while sidestepping questions about a potential ban.
Even if the Supreme Court upholds the legislation, Trump could opt to delay its implementation upon taking office, as the law permits a one-time 90-day postponement for reasons such as “evidence of significant progress” by ByteDance in finding a non-Chinese buyer.
Moolenaar views such an option as a way for Trump to address national security concerns without enforcing an outright ban. He stated that Trump dislikes the Chinese Communist Party’s influence on TikTok but “wants to see it available in America.”
Another pressing issue involves Elon Musk, who has substantial investments in China through his Tesla ownership, and whether he will influence China policy and committee initiatives.
Democrats on the committee anticipate that Musk will advocate for a business-friendly stance regarding China. Ret. Adm. Mike Studeman, former commander of the Office of Naval Intelligence, remarked that Musk is “compromised and co-opted by the Chinese, … a Chinese sympathizer of high order.”
Republican committee members counter that Musk will be preoccupied with his new role as co-chair of the Department of Government Efficiency, focusing on improving government functions rather than influencing U.S.-China relations. Moolenaar expressed confidence that Musk would concentrate on efficiency rather than China policy.
However, concerns persist among some members. “It’s unclear whether Musk will put the country’s national security interests ahead of his own personal interests,” said Moulton.
Indications are emerging that Musk is already impacting the situation. Recent reports suggest TikTok’s CEO sought to consult Musk on how to navigate the forthcoming Trump administration due to Musk’s unprecedented access to Trump’s inner circle.
Musk has also stirred debate over a federal funding bill that temporarily disrupted efforts to avert a government shutdown, with both that bill and the eventually passed package stripped of measures advocated by China hawks aimed at addressing perceived national security threats posed by Beijing.
Similar to Trump, Musk expresses a less-defined stance on Taiwan compared to many within the committee, proposing the notion of relinquishing Taiwan to China as a “special administrative zone,” akin to Hong Kong. Musk believes this concession could prevent a war over Taiwan that would jeopardize his business interests in China.
Moolenaar’s strategy for legislative success in the upcoming Congress involves focusing on a narrower set of issues aligned with already identified national security challenges. This encompasses support for a proposal he introduced last month aimed at revoking China’s so-called ‘Most Favored Nation’ trade status—an initiative supported by Trump—that could lead to tariffs of up to 100 percent.
Moolenaar also aims to garner backing for a plan that collaborates with the private sector to bolster U.S. infrastructure investments globally, providing an alternative to China’s Belt and Road initiative.
The effectiveness of this agenda could hinge on the daunting task of maintaining a facade of bipartisanship in a Trump-led era, especially with the GOP’s control of Congress and the incoming president’s tendency for hyper-partisan rhetoric.
“I’m hopeful that folks around here will return to the notion that the only entity that benefits from our divisions is the Chinese Communist Party,” said Krishnamoorthi.
Camille Lefevre contributed to this report for TROIB News
Established two years ago, the House China Select Committee aimed to develop strategies and legislation to counteract Beijing's influence and enjoyed a reputation for bipartisanship and legislative success. However, that standing appears to be at risk.
Partisan agendas are beginning to influence the committee's legislative focus. The incoming Trump administration, while vowing to adopt a tough stance on China, is anticipated to introduce different priorities, complicating the panel's efforts to secure the support of Trump-aligned Republicans for its initiatives.
Additionally, the committee has seen a decline in the energy that initially characterized its work, which previously helped it garner broader congressional backing.
“The sheen is gone and the work is slowing down,” said a China committee staffer granted anonymity because they were not authorized to speak publicly on the matter. “Seems like the committee’s lost its mojo.”
This decline in momentum is particularly concerning as the committee seeks to accomplish its objectives during the Trump administration.
Key initiatives of the China Select Committee have included bolstering Taiwan against potential Chinese aggression and mobilizing congressional opposition to TikTok, the Chinese-owned social media platform.
In contrast, President-elect Trump has suggested that Taiwan needs to enhance its self-defense and has committed during his campaign to “save TikTok.” Meanwhile, his close adviser Elon Musk has business interests in China, leading some lawmakers and former officials to express concerns that Musk may encourage Trump to downplay U.S. security issues to maintain favorable relations with Beijing.
“Trump’s statements on China and Taiwan and his relationship with people like Musk who have interests in China say it all,” in terms of his sympathies and possible policies after he takes office, said committee member Rep. Seth Moulton.
The committee, launched in January 2022 with a two-year mandate, quickly put forth bipartisan legislative proposals related to Taiwan, fentanyl, human rights, and countering China's military expansion. This work transitioned into initiatives targeting issues such as U.S. investments in China and the so-called de minimis import tax loophole, garnering bipartisan support and likely to be enacted.
According to Rush Doshi, former National Security Council official on China policy in the Biden administration, the China committee has been “by far the least partisan” on Capitol Hill.
However, signs of change are evident. A surge of legislation in September, which House Speaker Mike Johnson labeled “China Week,” resulted in approximately two dozen bills that primarily favored Republican objectives, rather than the anticipated bipartisan package.
What was expected to be a pivotal moment for the committee ultimately became “an entirely partisan affair” that emphasized “cheap messaging over substantive policy,” according to committee member Rep. Jake Auchincloss.
Ranking member Raja Krishnamoorthi noted, “China week became weak on China” for not prioritizing strong, bipartisan-supported legislation.
There is concern among Democrats that the prevailing triumphalism among Republican lawmakers following their election victories in November will hinder willingness to compromise on issues concerning China.
Committee Chair John Moolenaar is downplaying concerns about partisan strife. “I have members on both sides of the aisle who are asking me, ‘How can we get on the China committee?’” Moolenaar said. “People recognize this is the one place where there actually is bipartisanship.”
Johnson has pledged to extend the committee’s mandate for another two years, providing additional time for agenda-setting but also potentially diminishing the urgency that previously motivated members, who believed they had a time-limited opportunity to make an impact.
“There is not quite the same sense of urgency to the committee’s work now that people assume that it’ll stick around for the next few years,” said a Republican committee member granted anonymity due to the sensitivity of their comments.
The committee’s significant legislative achievement—a bipartisan law that would ban TikTok in the U.S. if its Chinese owner does not divest before inauguration day—is now threatened on several fronts. TikTok users, along with TikTok and its parent company ByteDance, have taken their case to the Supreme Court, arguing that the law is unconstitutional. The court is set to hear arguments on Jan. 10, but it is unclear when a ruling will be made.
Despite having initiated the opposition to TikTok during his first term, Trump has recently voiced support for the platform, praising its role in his campaign while sidestepping questions about a potential ban.
Even if the Supreme Court upholds the legislation, Trump could opt to delay its implementation upon taking office, as the law permits a one-time 90-day postponement for reasons such as “evidence of significant progress” by ByteDance in finding a non-Chinese buyer.
Moolenaar views such an option as a way for Trump to address national security concerns without enforcing an outright ban. He stated that Trump dislikes the Chinese Communist Party’s influence on TikTok but “wants to see it available in America.”
Another pressing issue involves Elon Musk, who has substantial investments in China through his Tesla ownership, and whether he will influence China policy and committee initiatives.
Democrats on the committee anticipate that Musk will advocate for a business-friendly stance regarding China. Ret. Adm. Mike Studeman, former commander of the Office of Naval Intelligence, remarked that Musk is “compromised and co-opted by the Chinese, … a Chinese sympathizer of high order.”
Republican committee members counter that Musk will be preoccupied with his new role as co-chair of the Department of Government Efficiency, focusing on improving government functions rather than influencing U.S.-China relations. Moolenaar expressed confidence that Musk would concentrate on efficiency rather than China policy.
However, concerns persist among some members. “It’s unclear whether Musk will put the country’s national security interests ahead of his own personal interests,” said Moulton.
Indications are emerging that Musk is already impacting the situation. Recent reports suggest TikTok’s CEO sought to consult Musk on how to navigate the forthcoming Trump administration due to Musk’s unprecedented access to Trump’s inner circle.
Musk has also stirred debate over a federal funding bill that temporarily disrupted efforts to avert a government shutdown, with both that bill and the eventually passed package stripped of measures advocated by China hawks aimed at addressing perceived national security threats posed by Beijing.
Similar to Trump, Musk expresses a less-defined stance on Taiwan compared to many within the committee, proposing the notion of relinquishing Taiwan to China as a “special administrative zone,” akin to Hong Kong. Musk believes this concession could prevent a war over Taiwan that would jeopardize his business interests in China.
Moolenaar’s strategy for legislative success in the upcoming Congress involves focusing on a narrower set of issues aligned with already identified national security challenges. This encompasses support for a proposal he introduced last month aimed at revoking China’s so-called ‘Most Favored Nation’ trade status—an initiative supported by Trump—that could lead to tariffs of up to 100 percent.
Moolenaar also aims to garner backing for a plan that collaborates with the private sector to bolster U.S. infrastructure investments globally, providing an alternative to China’s Belt and Road initiative.
The effectiveness of this agenda could hinge on the daunting task of maintaining a facade of bipartisanship in a Trump-led era, especially with the GOP’s control of Congress and the incoming president’s tendency for hyper-partisan rhetoric.
“I’m hopeful that folks around here will return to the notion that the only entity that benefits from our divisions is the Chinese Communist Party,” said Krishnamoorthi.
Camille Lefevre contributed to this report for TROIB News
