A Congresswoman Battling Dementia Ceased Attending Work, Unnoticed by the DC Press Corps.
Discover the narrative of how the media overlooked a significant story.
TroibNews 
In 2023, a small website known as The Dallas Express surfaced with an unexpected claim: Texas Rep. Kay Granger, a significant figure in the GOP, was reportedly dealing with dementia.
“The publication actually got a tip from a senior staffer in her office that she was having issues,” stated Chris Putnam, the Express’ CEO. “They got the date and location for her visiting the Brain Institute and had a reporter there and got eyes on her. They didn't get a photograph of her.”
Initially, there was insufficient evidence to substantiate the claim. However, the conversation persisted into the next year, even though Granger had resigned from her position as chair of the Appropriations Committee and announced she would not be seeking re-election. When Putnam’s team could not reach the Fort Worth Republican for a story, he commented, “I checked roll call, and I saw that she hadn’t cast a vote since early July.”
What transpired next, according to Putnam, involved fundamental shoe-leather journalism. He sent a reporter to Granger’s district office, which appeared nearly deserted—a fact that was corroborated through a call to the property manager. “I started making some calls personally to some of the folks that I know in the area,” he recounted. “And sure enough, we were tipped off about where she was.”
That tip revealed that Granger had been residing in an assisted-living facility in Texas equipped with memory care for several months. A reporter was dispatched to the facility. “We fully expected them to just basically escort him out,” Putnam recounted. “But no, they sent a representative out and they acknowledged it.”
The story was published in December, just prior to Granger’s much-anticipated retirement. Her son later confirmed the information in an interview with the Dallas Morning News, where he acknowledged “dementia issues.” As this news circulated through the political landscape, The Dallas Express, with only a small editorial team of 10, was recognized for a significant scoop, while the Capitol Hill press brigade faced criticism for allegedly overlooking the story.
The U.S. Capitol is unique in being one of the few locations in America where a robust reporting presence is maintained, making this oversight perplexing. Granger was far from inconspicuous; she had served for over 25 years and was the leading Republican on the Appropriations Committee until her resignation in April. Her presence was well-known among both colleagues and the reporters frequently seen outside the House chamber. Curiously, this was compounded by her decision to step down from a coveted role that most lawmakers would fiercely hold onto.
Journalists also had clear opportunities to uncover what was happening. Although Granger was absent from votes, she made a brief return to the Hill for a retirement tribute in November, insightfully close to the time frame when her son acknowledged her “dementia issues”—just a month before the Express's revelations.
At that tribute, speakers included prominent figures such as House Speaker Mike Johnson and Majority Leader Steve Scalise, along with Democrats Rosa DeLauro and Nita Lowey. Notably, there was no mention of any concerns despite Granger returning as an elected official for a celebratory send-off rather than a crucial vote. During the ceremony, Granger watched as her official portrait as a former chair of the Appropriations Committee was unveiled in front of a large assembly of congressional colleagues and staff.
As reporters might phrase it: “sources.”
This situation unfolded against a backdrop of ongoing discussions regarding elderly and potentially impaired politicians, notably through the prominent examples of Joe Biden and Dianne Feinstein, highlighting an issue that should have raised alarms among journalists.
Yet, despite the absence of detailed information regarding cognitive health—which is often a sensitive subject to report on due to variable conditions among individuals — it raises questions: how did an entire press corps of about 2,000 members allow a well-known legislator to seemingly vanish for months? This oversight contributes to the prevailing mistrust of both Washington and the media.
In an idealized narrative, this story would parallel a classic David-and-Goliath tale. While the established congressional press corps remains inactive in Washington, a courageous local news outlet unearthed an issue that insider figures sought to conceal. Cue the accolades!
However, the real story regarding how the congressional media failed to notice this development while a lesser-known local outlet broke the story is more nuanced. The Dallas Express is not just any small outfit; it is led by Putnam, a politically connected conservative who once contested against Granger in a primary challenge from the right. Moreover, reporters on Capitol Hill are far from being idle or unmotivated. They are engaged in a relentless 24-hour race for scoops, leaving little time for passivity.
This situation reflects a shift in the media landscape regarding how the Hill is currently covered. While outlets centered on politics or policy have established substantial presences, there has been a significant decline in local outlets that previously kept watchful eyes on lawmakers, irrespective of their stature.
“Our number used to be in the hundreds,” said Nick Grube, the Washington correspondent for Honolulu Civil Beat and president of the Regional Reporters Association, which represents Beltway journalists from local outlets nationwide. “Now we’re in the dozens.”
The gradual decline of local reporting is a frequently discussed issue, often linked to the larger health of American democracy. This is indeed concerning, but it also creates a capacity issue for dishing out Washington scandals. With fewer reporters dedicated to monitoring legislators or regional issues, the media has lost some early warning systems that typically identify emerging stories.
The new normal now reflects rigorous coverage focused on leadership, which makes it much easier for lesser-known congressional figures to slip under the radar. Although there are still opportunities for smaller misdemeanors to be caught by the current press configuration, the prevailing structure means it is less probable that such stories will surface.
Take the experience of Grube, who served as the only journalist in Washington assigned to cover Hawaii's two senators and two representatives. After taking parental leave in 2022, he returned to the office and promptly started making his rounds among the lawmakers.
In Democratic Rep. Kai Kahele's office, something seemed off. “My first day back, I pop into every member’s office and saying, ‘Hello, I’m back.’ And his people start obfuscating.”
Grube's investigation revealed that Kahele had been absent from Washington for months. Follow-up stories detailed his activities, including working with an airline and laying the groundwork for a gubernatorial campaign; these ultimately led to an ethics investigation regarding the possible misuse of official resources for campaign purposes.
“No one else cared about the story,” Grube remarked. “But in Hawaii it mattered.” After his initial findings came to light, the Kahele story gained traction in national media. Nonetheless, it was Grube’s detailed questions—which only a dedicated beat reporter could provide—that enriched the story.
This narrative bears a striking resemblance to Granger's situation, with one key distinction: Grube was focused on four lawmakers, whereas Granger's hometown paper no longer had a full-time D.C. reporter. The major outlet in nearby Dallas has also significantly reduced its Washington presence.
“The Dallas Morning News, I would argue, probably would have noticed that and done a story about that a few years ago, before the bureau went down to one,” stated Todd Gillman, who oversaw the bureau when it was more robust. Early in his tenure, he noted, there were 11 journalists dedicated to covering Texas’s representatives in Congress, not just Dallas-specific issues. “I got dinged on my annual review if I hadn’t mentioned every single member of the Texas delegation at least once over the course of a year,” he explained. When he departed, only one reporter remained—tasked with covering not only Congress but also the White House and everything else happening in D.C. “You’re certainly not paying attention to everybody in the delegation,” he added.
As that obligation faded, Gillman emphasized, “individual members can do all sorts of stuff under the radar—good, bad, venal, self-serving, extremist.” Now, as a leader in the Washington newsroom for Arizona State University’s Cronkite journalism school, he notes that student reporters are currently the sole full-time journalists representing Arizona in Washington.
It is perplexing that even a press contingent as sturdy as that which covers Congress has not established a system to monitor the quieter members among the 535 legislators shaping U.S. policies. There are over 2,200 journalists with credentials to cover the Capitol, according to the latest congressional directories.
Even in this relatively well-staffed environment, however, scrutiny of less prominent members or those tethered to localized interests does not align with the operational necessities of today’s thriving news outlets. Major national publications will concentrate on broader congressional issues, focusing on influential lawmakers and major topics, with intermittent attention devoted to exceptional backbenchers. Ideologically-driven outlets will focus on reinforcing their agendas while policy-oriented places drill down on lawmakers relevant to their specific topics, such as finance or aviation.
Had Granger still held her position as the Appropriations Committee chair when she began to miss votes, it is unlikely she would have been overlooked. However, with her stepping back from that influential role, the spotlight shifted to other matters. This shift has not absolved reporters of the responsibility to inquire about the implications of age while she still held significant influence—especially given the recent rise in controversies surrounding older politicians.
As she ceased participating in votes, fewer eyes were on her. The media ecosystem may still possess capacity, but there is a lack of financial incentive to cover representatives merely for their presence—or absence.
On the brighter side, the discourse regarding aging politicians has gained traction in the aftermath of the Biden administration, suggesting that even the most obscure lawmaker's moment of vulnerability could potentially ignite newsworthy conversations.
Yet, for stories not anchored by official news events, there is little indication that the Granger saga has prompted any transformations in the protocols of large newsrooms to counteract the decline of local outlets that previously monitored lesser-known representatives.
“They're never going to pay close attention,” Gillman asserted. “The most extreme cases of misconduct or wackiness are going to draw the attention of the national players, but the more medium-level cases of iffy behavior or venality or wackiness are probably not going to get attention unless it involves somebody who is in leadership or otherwise extremely high profile.”
In response, it may be left to philanthropically funded organizations to fulfill the roles that the free market cannot. Grube’s outlet in Hawaii and Gillman’s Cronkite project function as nonprofits, enabling them to perform the local-delegation monitoring once handled by now-unprofitable hometown newspapers. The Allbritton Journalism Institute recently announced the initiation of the Washington Bureau Initiative, financed by a substantial grant from Google and contributions from other charitable organizations. This initiative aims to support Washington reporters collaborating with nonprofit newsrooms covering states like Oklahoma, Louisiana, San Diego, and Stockton, California, concentrating on regional lawmakers and federal issues impacting their respective communities.
The Dallas Express also hopes to add a Washington reporter. Having a politically engaged publication establish itself in the Beltway is not especially uncommon, but Putnam emphasized that the focus would not be limited to a high-profile political coverage. “Absolutely it would be, ‘Hey, let's go focus on what our people are doing,’” he expressed, alluding to the Dallas area politicians. “We have relationships with all of them. We have some characters here.”
Thomas Evans for TROIB News
“The publication actually got a tip from a senior staffer in her office that she was having issues,” stated Chris Putnam, the Express’ CEO. “They got the date and location for her visiting the Brain Institute and had a reporter there and got eyes on her. They didn't get a photograph of her.”
Initially, there was insufficient evidence to substantiate the claim. However, the conversation persisted into the next year, even though Granger had resigned from her position as chair of the Appropriations Committee and announced she would not be seeking re-election. When Putnam’s team could not reach the Fort Worth Republican for a story, he commented, “I checked roll call, and I saw that she hadn’t cast a vote since early July.”
What transpired next, according to Putnam, involved fundamental shoe-leather journalism. He sent a reporter to Granger’s district office, which appeared nearly deserted—a fact that was corroborated through a call to the property manager. “I started making some calls personally to some of the folks that I know in the area,” he recounted. “And sure enough, we were tipped off about where she was.”
That tip revealed that Granger had been residing in an assisted-living facility in Texas equipped with memory care for several months. A reporter was dispatched to the facility. “We fully expected them to just basically escort him out,” Putnam recounted. “But no, they sent a representative out and they acknowledged it.”
The story was published in December, just prior to Granger’s much-anticipated retirement. Her son later confirmed the information in an interview with the Dallas Morning News, where he acknowledged “dementia issues.” As this news circulated through the political landscape, The Dallas Express, with only a small editorial team of 10, was recognized for a significant scoop, while the Capitol Hill press brigade faced criticism for allegedly overlooking the story.
The U.S. Capitol is unique in being one of the few locations in America where a robust reporting presence is maintained, making this oversight perplexing. Granger was far from inconspicuous; she had served for over 25 years and was the leading Republican on the Appropriations Committee until her resignation in April. Her presence was well-known among both colleagues and the reporters frequently seen outside the House chamber. Curiously, this was compounded by her decision to step down from a coveted role that most lawmakers would fiercely hold onto.
Journalists also had clear opportunities to uncover what was happening. Although Granger was absent from votes, she made a brief return to the Hill for a retirement tribute in November, insightfully close to the time frame when her son acknowledged her “dementia issues”—just a month before the Express's revelations.
At that tribute, speakers included prominent figures such as House Speaker Mike Johnson and Majority Leader Steve Scalise, along with Democrats Rosa DeLauro and Nita Lowey. Notably, there was no mention of any concerns despite Granger returning as an elected official for a celebratory send-off rather than a crucial vote. During the ceremony, Granger watched as her official portrait as a former chair of the Appropriations Committee was unveiled in front of a large assembly of congressional colleagues and staff.
As reporters might phrase it: “sources.”
This situation unfolded against a backdrop of ongoing discussions regarding elderly and potentially impaired politicians, notably through the prominent examples of Joe Biden and Dianne Feinstein, highlighting an issue that should have raised alarms among journalists.
Yet, despite the absence of detailed information regarding cognitive health—which is often a sensitive subject to report on due to variable conditions among individuals — it raises questions: how did an entire press corps of about 2,000 members allow a well-known legislator to seemingly vanish for months? This oversight contributes to the prevailing mistrust of both Washington and the media.
In an idealized narrative, this story would parallel a classic David-and-Goliath tale. While the established congressional press corps remains inactive in Washington, a courageous local news outlet unearthed an issue that insider figures sought to conceal. Cue the accolades!
However, the real story regarding how the congressional media failed to notice this development while a lesser-known local outlet broke the story is more nuanced. The Dallas Express is not just any small outfit; it is led by Putnam, a politically connected conservative who once contested against Granger in a primary challenge from the right. Moreover, reporters on Capitol Hill are far from being idle or unmotivated. They are engaged in a relentless 24-hour race for scoops, leaving little time for passivity.
This situation reflects a shift in the media landscape regarding how the Hill is currently covered. While outlets centered on politics or policy have established substantial presences, there has been a significant decline in local outlets that previously kept watchful eyes on lawmakers, irrespective of their stature.
“Our number used to be in the hundreds,” said Nick Grube, the Washington correspondent for Honolulu Civil Beat and president of the Regional Reporters Association, which represents Beltway journalists from local outlets nationwide. “Now we’re in the dozens.”
The gradual decline of local reporting is a frequently discussed issue, often linked to the larger health of American democracy. This is indeed concerning, but it also creates a capacity issue for dishing out Washington scandals. With fewer reporters dedicated to monitoring legislators or regional issues, the media has lost some early warning systems that typically identify emerging stories.
The new normal now reflects rigorous coverage focused on leadership, which makes it much easier for lesser-known congressional figures to slip under the radar. Although there are still opportunities for smaller misdemeanors to be caught by the current press configuration, the prevailing structure means it is less probable that such stories will surface.
Take the experience of Grube, who served as the only journalist in Washington assigned to cover Hawaii's two senators and two representatives. After taking parental leave in 2022, he returned to the office and promptly started making his rounds among the lawmakers.
In Democratic Rep. Kai Kahele's office, something seemed off. “My first day back, I pop into every member’s office and saying, ‘Hello, I’m back.’ And his people start obfuscating.”
Grube's investigation revealed that Kahele had been absent from Washington for months. Follow-up stories detailed his activities, including working with an airline and laying the groundwork for a gubernatorial campaign; these ultimately led to an ethics investigation regarding the possible misuse of official resources for campaign purposes.
“No one else cared about the story,” Grube remarked. “But in Hawaii it mattered.” After his initial findings came to light, the Kahele story gained traction in national media. Nonetheless, it was Grube’s detailed questions—which only a dedicated beat reporter could provide—that enriched the story.
This narrative bears a striking resemblance to Granger's situation, with one key distinction: Grube was focused on four lawmakers, whereas Granger's hometown paper no longer had a full-time D.C. reporter. The major outlet in nearby Dallas has also significantly reduced its Washington presence.
“The Dallas Morning News, I would argue, probably would have noticed that and done a story about that a few years ago, before the bureau went down to one,” stated Todd Gillman, who oversaw the bureau when it was more robust. Early in his tenure, he noted, there were 11 journalists dedicated to covering Texas’s representatives in Congress, not just Dallas-specific issues. “I got dinged on my annual review if I hadn’t mentioned every single member of the Texas delegation at least once over the course of a year,” he explained. When he departed, only one reporter remained—tasked with covering not only Congress but also the White House and everything else happening in D.C. “You’re certainly not paying attention to everybody in the delegation,” he added.
As that obligation faded, Gillman emphasized, “individual members can do all sorts of stuff under the radar—good, bad, venal, self-serving, extremist.” Now, as a leader in the Washington newsroom for Arizona State University’s Cronkite journalism school, he notes that student reporters are currently the sole full-time journalists representing Arizona in Washington.
It is perplexing that even a press contingent as sturdy as that which covers Congress has not established a system to monitor the quieter members among the 535 legislators shaping U.S. policies. There are over 2,200 journalists with credentials to cover the Capitol, according to the latest congressional directories.
Even in this relatively well-staffed environment, however, scrutiny of less prominent members or those tethered to localized interests does not align with the operational necessities of today’s thriving news outlets. Major national publications will concentrate on broader congressional issues, focusing on influential lawmakers and major topics, with intermittent attention devoted to exceptional backbenchers. Ideologically-driven outlets will focus on reinforcing their agendas while policy-oriented places drill down on lawmakers relevant to their specific topics, such as finance or aviation.
Had Granger still held her position as the Appropriations Committee chair when she began to miss votes, it is unlikely she would have been overlooked. However, with her stepping back from that influential role, the spotlight shifted to other matters. This shift has not absolved reporters of the responsibility to inquire about the implications of age while she still held significant influence—especially given the recent rise in controversies surrounding older politicians.
As she ceased participating in votes, fewer eyes were on her. The media ecosystem may still possess capacity, but there is a lack of financial incentive to cover representatives merely for their presence—or absence.
On the brighter side, the discourse regarding aging politicians has gained traction in the aftermath of the Biden administration, suggesting that even the most obscure lawmaker's moment of vulnerability could potentially ignite newsworthy conversations.
Yet, for stories not anchored by official news events, there is little indication that the Granger saga has prompted any transformations in the protocols of large newsrooms to counteract the decline of local outlets that previously monitored lesser-known representatives.
“They're never going to pay close attention,” Gillman asserted. “The most extreme cases of misconduct or wackiness are going to draw the attention of the national players, but the more medium-level cases of iffy behavior or venality or wackiness are probably not going to get attention unless it involves somebody who is in leadership or otherwise extremely high profile.”
In response, it may be left to philanthropically funded organizations to fulfill the roles that the free market cannot. Grube’s outlet in Hawaii and Gillman’s Cronkite project function as nonprofits, enabling them to perform the local-delegation monitoring once handled by now-unprofitable hometown newspapers. The Allbritton Journalism Institute recently announced the initiation of the Washington Bureau Initiative, financed by a substantial grant from Google and contributions from other charitable organizations. This initiative aims to support Washington reporters collaborating with nonprofit newsrooms covering states like Oklahoma, Louisiana, San Diego, and Stockton, California, concentrating on regional lawmakers and federal issues impacting their respective communities.
The Dallas Express also hopes to add a Washington reporter. Having a politically engaged publication establish itself in the Beltway is not especially uncommon, but Putnam emphasized that the focus would not be limited to a high-profile political coverage. “Absolutely it would be, ‘Hey, let's go focus on what our people are doing,’” he expressed, alluding to the Dallas area politicians. “We have relationships with all of them. We have some characters here.”
Thomas Evans for TROIB News
